首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Movement of major fund1 flows has great impact on capital markets, especially in China. This study investigates the relationship between abnormal main fund movements and firm’s earnings management behavior, specifically, whether the abnormal main fund movements cause firms to keep a low profile for “self-protection” from being detected by the government. The empirical results of this study suggest that: (1) The mandatory disclosure of the “Top-ten circulating stockholders” requirement does not only reduce information asymmetry between investors and listed firms, but also strengthens and improves the efficiency of related government regulations in detecting disclosure of false information. This, in turn, increases the risk of being detected for firms with earnings management activities. (2) After abnormal main fund movements, relevant firms significantly reduce the level of earnings management to avoid attention from the public and regulatory agencies. (3) Using political connections as a proxy for the “shield effect” to mask political cost, we show that the negative relation between abnormal main fund movements and earnings management exists only for the subsample of firms without political connections. This paper provides a new angle for political cost study, and suggests that traditional political cost hypothesis should be further generalized.  相似文献   

2.
This study investigates the factors that affect South Korean outward foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries. Most previous studies focus on monadic factors and do not consider how and to what extent bilateral relationships between South Korea and the host countries affect the investment decisions of Korean firms. The current study finds that interstate factors such as South Korea's international investment treaties with and official development assistance to host countries have positive effects on FDI to these countries, while presidential visits have strong and statistically significant effects on FDI only in countries located in non-Asian regions, especially the African continent. The findings suggest that the effects of bilateral relations on South Korea's FDI vary depending on the geographic location of the host country.  相似文献   

3.
We examine the effect of political connections and political cycles on stock returns of listed companies in Iran. Using 1146 firm-year observations derived from firms listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange (TSE) for the period 2005–2017, we find that political connections are positively associated with firms' annual actual returns and annual abnormal returns. Presidential elections strengthen the positive relationship between political connections and cumulative abnormal returns. Transfer of power to the Moderation (Principlist) party in 2013 (2005) strengthened (weakened) the positive relation between political connections and cumulative abnormal returns. Several sensitivity tests show that the results are not materially different from the main findings. Consistent with the political economy perspective, the findings suggest that political connections in a centrally planned economy are valuable for both parties and they become even more valuable in election years. Moreover, consistent with rational partisan theory, results suggest that investors react to political uncertainties stemming from presidential elections and transfer of power, even in emerging market economies like Iran.  相似文献   

4.
Recent literature in entrepreneurship suggests that market and legal institutions matter for entrepreneurial investment. Yet, prior studies have focused on the role of formal institutions. Building on new institutional theory and political connections literature, this study aims to evaluate the role of political connections in entrepreneurial reinvestment in less developed and transition economies. The purpose of this paper is threefold. First, it aims to demonstrate systematically how political connections affect entrepreneurial reinvestment. Second, it applies this relationship to a subsample group, i.e., Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), in order to empirically test whether political connections are more beneficial for large firms or SMEs. Third, it demonstrates that political connections substitute for, rather than complement, formal market and legal institutions. The empirical test uses a nationally representative sample of entrepreneurial firms from China's transition economy.  相似文献   

5.
Scholars are increasingly investigating the implications of firms’ domestic corporate political activity (CPA) and political connections on their internationalisation prospects. In this paper, using insights from the resource dependence theory, we argue that domestic CPA and political connections developed within the home country have contrasting effects on firms’ international expansion, such that, while domestic CPAs (mainly, lobbying and campaign contributions) facilitate internationalisation, political connections deter internationalisation. We also argue that this relationship is moderated by firms’ international experience and product diversification. We test our hypotheses using a panel dataset comprising 38 retail Multinational Enterprises (MNEs) originating in the United States (US) whose activities we traced over the 16-year period 2003?2018. Our findings support our hypotheses.  相似文献   

6.
Using organizational flexibility as a research lens, we investigate how private firms, especially SMEs, in China cope with the 2008 financial crisis. Testing data from a large sample of private firms (N=3,459) by difference-indifferences analysis, we find that firms with industrial diversification, geographic expansion and political connections perform better during the crisis than those without. These results are less affected by self-selection problems (as the abrupt crisis provides a natural experiment) and hold up against endogeneity and several other challenges in robustness tests. The findings offer important implications for researchers, business owners, policy makers and future research.  相似文献   

7.
This study analyses the impact of political connections on the operational performance of non-financial firms in Poland. Using a data set covering the 2001–2011 period, we find that political connections lower firm profitability, as measured on the level of income from sales. The negative impact is the strongest when a firm possesses multiple connections, has politically connected members on its supervisory board, or employs ex-politicians with central government experience. Therefore, our findings do not support claims based on resource dependence theory. The Polish market's specificity is most likely related to the instability of the political scene.  相似文献   

8.
This paper examines how bank lending decisions are affected either by executives’ connections with banks, through their former banking experience, or by their political connections with governments, using a sample of bank loans granted to Chinese listed non‐state‐owned enterprises (SOEs) from 2003 to 2010. We find that bank loans are more closely related to profitability for firms with bank connections, while firms’ political connections weaken this relationship. We further find that the influence of bank connections is more significant for firms from less supported industries or less developed regions. Furthermore, firms with bank connections are less likely to become financially distressed after the initiation of their bank loans and experience higher future stock returns, while firms with political connections experience the opposite outcome. Overall, our results indicate that in the context of a relationship‐based economy like China, firms’ connections with banks create value by alleviating information asymmetry and improving banks’ lending decisions, while political connections result in capital misallocation and subsequent deterioration in performance.  相似文献   

9.
In this study, we examine whether corporate investments are influenced by political connections. Using recent hand-collected data, we find that politically-connected firms are associated with higher levels of corporate investments. Particularly, corporate investments by politically-connected firms are twice the size of non-politically-connected firms. Furthermore, the effect is stronger for government-linked firms, firms with politically-connected controlling shareholders and older politically-connected firms. From the firm's characteristic perspective, the influence of political connections on corporate investments is stronger in larger firms and firms with higher bargaining power. Our findings remain unchanged despite been subjected to a wide range of robustness tests.  相似文献   

10.
We investigate two under-explored factors in mitigating the risk of corporate fraud and regulatory enforcement against fraud, namely institutional investors and political connections. The role of institutional investors in the effective monitoring of a firm’s management is well established in the literature. We further observe that firms that have a large proportion of their shares held by institutional investors have a lower incidence of enforcement actions against corporate fraud. The importance of political connections for enterprises, whether in a developed market such as the United States or an emerging market such as China, has been established by previous studies. However, we find evidence of another positive effect of political connections: they may reduce the incidence of enforcement action against corporate fraud. We also find that political connections play a more significant role in reducing regulatory enforcement incidents against non-state-owned enterprises and firms in weaker legal environments, whereas institutional ownership plays a more important role in reducing regulatory enforcement incidents against state-owned enterprises.  相似文献   

11.
We analyze the influence of political connections on firms' access to capital and the ensuing effect on the cost of raising capital. Using a dataset of 413 IPOs from 2009 to 2012, we exploit a research setting where government is still highly involved with the process. We find that firms rely on political connections to reduce IPO rejection risk as a firm's political connections are positively associated with the propensity of obtaining approval for an IPO. We further find that political connections are negatively associated with the cost of IPO and connected firms appear to perform better subsequent to their IPOs.  相似文献   

12.
To explore the motivations underpinning corporate social responsibility (CSR) decisions in China, a country characterized by extensive government intervention, this paper investigates whether building a good relationship with the government is a political incentive that is driving firms to conduct CSR by examining the effects of political connections on the latter. Our results indicate that politically connected firms exhibit better CSR. However, the effect is considerably more significant for firms with existing political relationships. Additionally, findings show that the effect is more prominent in firms for which political connections are more valuable, namely, non‐state‐owned enterprises, small firms, and firms operating in less market‐oriented cities, indicating that CSR can serve as a differentiation strategy to compete against other bidders. Dividing CSR activities into economic, environmental and social aspects, we find that the social‐based activities are more likely to be driven by political motivations. By categorizing CSR and political connections, this paper not only expands the scope of political CSR and renders the generated results that have been mixed together more distinguishable, but also provides a more precise understanding of the fundamental drivers of CSR in China from the perspective of resource exchange.  相似文献   

13.
The purpose of this paper is to examine how multinationality strategy, home political influence, and host-country risk explain the performance consequences of OFDI patterns of firms in the most important emerging economy, China. Two main patterns of OFDI (‘born global’ natured multiple simultaneous and IP-natured gradually growing) have been dominant in China during its first OFDI as a latecomer. In contrast to the conventional IP argument, we hypothesize that the multiple simultaneous pattern of a born-global nature leads to better performance. We also hypothesize that firm multinationality strategy and home political influence play greater roles in enhancing the performance effect of the multiple simultaneous pattern than another pattern, i.e., IP-natured gradually growing pattern. Using panel data of 4619 observations from 261Chinese publicly listed firms from 1991 to 2011, we find a superior performance effect for the multiple simultaneous pattern. Further, we find a greater moderating effect of firm multinationality strategy and home political influence affecting the OFDI and performance relationship undertaken by the multiple simultaneous pattern than by the gradually growing pattern. Our study extends understanding of OFDI patterns in emerging economies and suggests that the analysis of performance consequences should focus on external and firm factors that may facilitate the performance effect.  相似文献   

14.
The 2012 presidential election reached new heights in dollars spent and the rancorous nature of advertisements emanating from candidates and other interested parties. While ‘going negative’ has become a well-known tactic in political campaigns, several observers believe that the level of acrimony crossed the line between civil discourse essential to democratic societies and uncivil haranguing that has little to do with election issues. To explore the nuances of this topic, we open with a discussion of limited cross-disciplinary research on incivility in political discourse so that its essential nature is exposed, differentiating it from more common uses of negativity. Our empirical work examined about 350 television advertisements that were shown between the presidential debates of 2012 and the November elections. Levels of civility and incivility are noted and implications for the future of political advertising are provided.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

There has been long term and widespread criticism of organizational corruption around the world. This also includes South Korea with many examples, both historical and current. This is underpinned by several elements but an important and high profile factor is a seeming creation and tolerance of corruption by the large, diversified, dynastic family-owned and run conglomerates – the chaebol – and their nexus with the political elite. This study examines if there is any relationship between organizational culture and the tolerance of corruption within Korean firms. For this purpose, we chose four cultural traits as independent variables: large power distance, the government–business relationship, hereditary management and naembi culture, along with the tolerance of corruption as a dependent variable. Data was collected through a questionnaire survey and we used regression analysis to test our four hypotheses. According to the results, all our hypotheses received statistical support which implies these four cultural characteristics positively affect the tolerance of corruption within firms. The theoretical and practical implications of our findings are also discussed.  相似文献   

16.
This paper investigates whether philanthropic giving decisions and amount of charitable giving are related to firms’ political connections and ownership type. To this end, Chinese firms listed on either the Shenzhen or Shanghai stock exchange between 2004 and 2011 are examined, where government interference in the business sector is prevalent, state ownership structure is dominant, and corporate political connections prevail. Our analyses show (1) a significant and positive relationship between political connections and the likelihood and extent of firm contributions; (2) a significant and negative relationship between state ownership and extent of firm contributions; and (3) a stronger relationship between political connections and corporate philanthropy in non-state-owned firms. These findings with regard to the relationship between corporate giving, political connections, and ownership type have important implications for understanding corporate giving behavior in China and in emerging markets in general.  相似文献   

17.
We examine whether firms' political connection affects their corporate social responsibility (CSR) engagements and how the effects vary with different political ties, namely symbolic and material connections. These ties reflect different degrees of political embeddedness, interest alignment, network size, and monitoring with the government, and therefore impart divergent effects on managerial incentives for CSR practices. Our analysis indicates that CSR in firms with symbolic connection is much more associated with agency cost than CSR in firms with material connection. We also find that large firms with symbolic connection exhibit lower CSR performance than those with material connection, probably because the former group tends to substitute the prestige of their political capital for the goodwill associated with CSR engagement. These results show that accounting for the effects of different types of political connection on managerial incentives contributes some clarity to the debate about the compatibility of CSR with primary corporate mandates.  相似文献   

18.
Previous studies have demonstrated the favorable effects of political connections on corporate environmental proactivity (CEP). However, few studies have further verified whether this is definitively the case under environmental regulations and their underlying reasons, which would help elucidate the performance and motivation of politically connected firms’ (PCFs’) environmental proactivity. Using data from Chinese A-shares-listed industrial firms from 2010 to 2016, we find that environmental regulations can significantly improve CEP. Compared with non-politically connected firms (NPCFs), PCFs are more responsive to environmental regulations. Counterfactual analysis based on corporate resource conditions suggests that firms that are more supported by government in debt financing and show higher environmental proactivity are only found in PCF samples. In order to maintain this political relationship and continuously obtain debt financing support, PCFs tend to “bind” their business decisions to the government’s environmental governance objectives and display higher environmental proactivity. In summary, PCFs’ environmental proactivity involves self-interest decisions based on their resource conditions.  相似文献   

19.
On 19 October 2013, the Chinese government issued the Opinions on Further Regulation on Party and Political Leaders and Cadres Working Part-Time (Holding Office) in Enterprises, also known as the 18th Decree, to regulate government officials’ employment with businesses. The 18th Decree is widely perceived as having had a significant impact on the use of independent directors with political backgrounds by firms, given the prevalence of this business practice. This paper examines the market reaction to the 18th Decree to ascertain the value effect of political connections in China. We note a negative relationship between the political connections of independent directors and market reaction. We also note that the negative relationship between political connections and market reaction is moderated by ownership type and state of regional development. Specifically, we find that the negative relationship holds only for private firms in less developed regions. These results support our prediction that political connections add value to Chinese firms and that the value effect of political connection is contingent on institutional factors.  相似文献   

20.
Scholars have recognized the important role that entrepreneurial orientation (EO) plays in driving firm performance. However, this relationship is not yet well understood and studies have sought to examine various contingencies that might mediate or moderate this relationship. This study investigates the impact of organization behavior variables on the EO – firm performance relationship. The structural model was tested using primary data from 321 South Korean industrial firms. The results show that EO is positively related to firm performance and that adaptive organizational culture and people-centered management have a multiple mediating effect on the relationship between EO and firm performance.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号