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1.
The second half of 2000 brought renewed interest to the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA). This hemispheric economic integration initiative presents numerous opportunities and challenges for each of the 34 countries involved in unifying markets across the Americas. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and Mercosur, the region's two largest trading blocs, play a vital role in any attempt to integrate Latin American markets. Integration under Mercosur has strengthened the position of member countries—especially Brazil, which is a choice location for foreign direct investment and has realized a significant growth in extra‐Mercosur trade. The newly elected Mexican president, Vicente Fox, has demonstrated a strong desire to bring Mexico to the forefront of hemispheric trade negotiations and brings a new dynamic to integration of Latin American markets and to the FTAA initiative. This article elaborates on the role of the two largest Latin American economies and the United States in the creation and solidification of a hemispheric trading bloc in the Americas. © 2002 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

2.
The focus of the Conference of the Organisation of American States held in April 1967 at Punta del Este was the efforts to achieve the economic integration of South America. The most important item in the “Declaration by the American Presidents” at Punta del Este is the projected creation of a Common Market for the whole of Latin America. The Latin American Free Trade Association (ALALC) and the Central American Common Market (MCC) are to be the foundation for economic integration over a vast area. The statement put out by the Punta del Este Conference is, however, only the first step along the road towards the economic consolidation of South America. It is now up to the Latin American countries to bring true these oft-repeated protestations of Latin American solidarity. All the Latin American countries will have to co-operate purposefully to tackle the tasks ahead of them and they will need the support of the larger industrial nations, particularly the United States. Nothing less than economic collaboration between the countries of the american sub-continent, forgetting all national rivalries, would enable Simón Bolivar's dream of a strong and united Latin America to become a practicable reality. The following contribution discusses the ways and means of Latin American integration, the results achieved hitherio and the prospects for a comprehensive unification of South America—including political unification.  相似文献   

3.
《The World Economy》2018,41(1):308-336
Policy debate on the implications of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) for Turkey has focused almost exclusively on “how” Turkey can/will take part in a forthcoming transatlantic deal. Turkey's association with a TTIP has largely been conceived as an inevitable and beneficial policy choice to re‐engage Ankara with the Atlantic alliance and emerging transatlantic trade framework. The arguments for extending TTIP to Turkey have mostly been built upon a conventional understanding of preferential trade agreements. The debate has not provided a comprehensive assessment of costs and benefits for Turkey's exclusion from or joining TTIP as it dismissed multiple dimensions of the “deep integration” agenda which underpined the transatlantic talks. This paper intends to contribute to the “why” debate with a thorough analysis of critical issues on the transatlantic agenda by evaluating economic and policy implications of TTIP both for exclusion and association scenarios together with associated compliance and adjustment costs.  相似文献   

4.
ABSTRACT

This article examines Paraguay's experience with Mercosur in terms of its impact on economic growth, trade, investment, industrial competitiveness, and income distribution. Of particular interest is Mercosur's impact on the flourishing border trade taking place under the “regimen de turismo,” a special tax regime for consumer goods, especially electronics. The author concludes that while Mercosur has not brought all the benefits expected from membership in the customs union, being excluded from Mercosur might have been worse for the Paraguayan economy.  相似文献   

5.
East Asian nations, which not long ago were counted among the more backward, are emerging as dramatically expanding markets as well as tough competitors for the United States. Predictions are that the Pacific-rim economy will expand twice as fast as the rest of the world. Professor Jens Biermeier shows that there has been a shift in the trading pattern of the United States away from Europe towards Asia as well as a shift of US political and strategic interests from the Atlantic to the Pacific in recent years.  相似文献   

6.
One of the hottest buzzwords in today's global corporate environment is “sustainability.” But long before the topic became “cool,” it was on the mind and on the agenda of Costa Rica's president, José María Figueres. In this well‐thought‐out article, Figueres maps the route that he forged for Costa Rica's future as a developing country leveraging its resources into a model of sustainable development for Latin American emerging economies. Using concrete examples, he explains the thought leadership behind projects that have moved Costa Rica into the forefront of countries doing well by also doing good. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

7.
ABSTRACT

The creation of Mercosur rested on perceptions of US and European economic and political “hegemony” to which the new regional trade arrangement was viewed as an appropriate response. Since then the world economy has evolved in ways that question these assumptions, driven by the sharp increase in the number of economic activities that are in competition on a world scale. Other major economies, notably China and India, have been more successful than the Southern Cone countries in adapting to this multipolar world economy, challenging Mercosul to find new responses.  相似文献   

8.
President Donald Trump espouses “America First” positions which are commonly interpreted as protectionist. However, a closer reading of Donald Trump’s business interests, of his administration’s published trade agenda and of US trade negotiation history calls into question whether “America First” means protectionism. Trump will use large trade deficits to pressure trading partners to further open up their markets. Companies that are successful in exporting to the US market from those countries will be alarmed by protectionist announcements and will therefore most likely pressure their governments to give in to the demands of the Trump administration.  相似文献   

9.
The question of how and why Chinese firms globalize is one of the most pressing issues for businesses today. China's globalization process is nothing less than remarkable. The twenty‐first century will feature a developing country as the leader of the global economy by 2020, when, by most estimates, China's purchasing power parity (PPP) gross domestic product (GDP) surpasses America's. With China's new role on the world's stage, global economic and political institutions are likely to change. China's foray into Latin America, for example, has changed the traditional role that America has played in its “backyard.” While the Chinese government was given much credit for China's globalization, Chinese private‐ and family‐owned businesses have also propelled China outward. Our research stream and annual China Goes Global conference at Harvard has attempted to frame the questions associated with China's globalization. This special issue is another important step in this direction. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

10.
Brazil has the largest economy in South America, and the second largest in Latin America, offering one of the most promising markets in the world. Along with China and India, Brazil is ranked among the nations with the highest predicted development rates in the next 25 years. In the early 2000s, Brazil accounted for 56% of all foreign direct investment flows to South America and 52.5% of the foreign direct investment stock in South America. Brazil is also a key player in the design and development of the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), which is scheduled to be effective by 2005. The FTAA is expected to be the world's largest regional trading block. In 2002, Brazil was ranked twelfth amongst the largest economies in the world. Brazil is one of the world's “Big Five” emerging markets, along with China, India, Mexico, and Indonesia. In the past decade, Brazil was second to China among emerging economies for received foreign direct investment. This article elaborates on the main aspects of doing business in Brazil and discusses some of the challenges and opportunities facing the Brazilian economy. © 2004 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

11.
On its independence in 1947, India was among the two most industrialized nations in Asia. Since then it adopted a “mixed economy” approach that hindered its national growth and the optimum utilization of its immense resources (both natural and human). To re‐establish itself as an economic force in the region, India liberalized its economy in early 1990s. The adoption of the “free market economy” model has created great opportunities for foreign businesses. This article provides useful information on the complex business environment, aimed to help foreign businessmen and investors to develop a good understanding on key background knowledge for being successful in India. It reviews Indian historical development, political structure and climate, international relations, and economy and foreign trade. India's infrastructure, legal framework, socio‐cultural set‐up, competitive environment, as well as market structure and potential are also analyzed. © 2001 John Wiley & Sons, Inc.  相似文献   

12.
Sociocultural, economic, political, and institutional differences between countries increase uncertainty and complexity in today's highly competitive international business environment. Moreover, the “West‐Leads‐East” to “West‐Meets‐East” shift in the global economy requires firms in both advanced economies and emerging markets to seek sustainable solutions by collaborating across geographic boundaries. Such novel collaborative partnerships may help build a stable, resilient, and sustainable world economy by leveraging the resources and capabilities of firms from both advanced and emerging economies. This article has three general objectives. First, we seek to show that context has been a long‐standing issue in management, organization, and international business research and provide an overview of the puzzles that informed and motivated this special issue. Second, we highlight the key insights and contributions of the articles included in this special issue by reviewing their theoretical underpinnings, methodological approaches, and empirical findings. Finally, we outline a future research agenda on emerging‐market firms venturing into advanced economies that can help advance international business and management studies. © 2017 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

13.
This article advances the view that regional integration among ten nations along the Indian Ocean rim will have positive economic and political consequences for all the members. Emergence of this geographically large area with one-fourth of the human population will be good for financial markets and the global economy as well. Planned regional arrangements will offer major benefits to outsiders, for example, Gulf countries, by stimulating growth and enhancing market forces. Traditional enmity between India and Pakistan, however, and the economic and political adjustments that South Africa is undergoing after the first free election may prevent cooperation in the region, not to mention the fact that the area has deep economic problems with mass poverty and low per capita incomes. Problems aside, there are hopeful signs, both economic and political, that encourage the Indian Ocean rim nations to seriously consider establishing a regional trade bloc. For example, a substantial middle class is emerging in the area. Industrialization is slowly progressing, challenging the dominance of the agricultural sector. India, however, will have to take the initiative in the matter. The size of her economy and her pre-eminence as a regional political force equip India to play the key role in the establishment of a regional agreement in the area.  相似文献   

14.
China's position as one of the most powerful nations in the world is undisputed. However, in an evolving landscape, China's utilization of a path-dependent business system may hinder the ability of the country's institutions to undergo necessary change, which will have important implications for international business literature. Through business system theory, empirical evidence, and a mixed methods approach, we discuss China's business system explaining how the system may impair sustainable growth and the transformation required by a less dependent industrial society. Our research suggests that the Chinese business system is still very arrested due to its recent past, and the Chinese Communist Party has only partial interest in improving some of the most important bases for the development of modern enterprises, even if fostering a somewhat liberal economic approach. Since similar political (authoritarian) and economic (liberal) approaches are found elsewhere, we theorize on what we called an authoriliberal economic approach.  相似文献   

15.
Countries in Latin America are realizing that the best way to promote economic growth is to create regional trading blocs. Since the announcement of the Americas Initiative last June, several nations have been at work developing trade and investment opportunities.  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

This paper introduces a dynamic conceptual model to describe US multinational corporations' responses to radical political regime changes in contemporary Latin America. The model describes four stages in the MNC response process: (1) the nature of the radical revolution in the host nation; (2) the new economic paradigm created by the revolutionary government; (3) the adjustments and readjustments made by both parties (the state and MNC) within the newly defined rules; and (4) the end result or outcome of the re-positioning process. Moderating the impact of the creation of the new economic paradigm are the host nation's national history, the host nation's domestic actors, US hegemonic power, international actors and economic development models. Within this mix, both state and MNC power influence what each other wants and can get from the other. This leads to a “negotiated” outcome from whence the response from the MNC is made. The revolutionary regimes in Chile (1970-1973) and Nicaragua (1979-1990) are examined within the context of the proposed conceptual model.  相似文献   

17.
The Brazilian economy indicates great potential for future economic growth. An increasing and affluent middle class, expanding exports, and foreign reserves are testimonies of Brazil's recent accomplishments. The country, however, still faces a number of challenges that may compromise its sustainable long‐term economic goals and objectives. This article focuses on the Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva government's economic performance. The article's main findings show increasing bottlenecks being created as a result of the Lula government's eight years of low economic growth rates, which have penalized the country's competitiveness. The newly elected president, Dilma Rousseff, will inherit a substantial investment deficit in the areas of infrastructure, education, health care, research and development (R&D), and innovation, as well as Brazil's worst public debt/gross domestic product (GDP) ratio in the past 100 years. These conditions will prevent Brazil from growing and developing at faster rates. This article also elaborates on Dilma Rousseff's most recent statements and discusses likely future paths for the Brazilian economy. © 2012 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

18.
After six years of stop‐start negotiations, Mercosur is no closer to signing a regional trading agreement (RTA) with the EU, whilst negotiations to finalise a Free Trade of the Americas Agreement (FTAA) have also stalled. This is due to various factors: economic crises in Mercosur, intransigence by member countries and uncertainty surrounding the outcome of the Doha Round. Estimates from the trade literature predict welfare gains to Mercosur from both RTAs whilst only one study assesses the additional benefits of removing non‐tariff barrier (NTB) trade costs which have remained largely unchallenged within the multilateral forum. In this paper, we improve the treatment of NTB estimates employing a theoretically consistent gravity specification, where calculated tariff‐equivalent estimates are subsequently implemented into a modified computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. Relative to a realistic baseline, and incorporating trade‐induced productivity and capital accumulation effects, we reassess the benefits of both regional initiatives to Mercosur, revisiting the claim that NTB trade cost abolition doubles the ‘standard’ welfare estimates. Contrary to previous studies, the results suggest that an FTAA yields greater gains to Mercosur than an EU RTA whilst the claim of Monteagudo and Watanuki (2003 ) pertaining to trade cost elimination is understated.  相似文献   

19.
This editorial pays tribute to the founding editor of the Journal of Business Logistics, Professor Bernard J. “Bud” LaLonde, who passed away recently. Professor LaLonde's influence on the field—and the individuals that compose it—is immeasurable. We reflect on his career, achievements, and motivations for creating JBL. Further, we attempt to build on his proud legacy with an introduction of articles featured in the current issue.  相似文献   

20.
This article explores the microfoundations of bank and borrower behavior in the Latin American debt crisis. In the model developed, less developed countries attract loans by signaling their ability and willingness to pay. Some of the signals are “coercive” because they indicate that if income targets are not met, income will be redistributed in order to honor debt obligations. Implicit in such coercive signaling is the borrower's expectation that redistribution will not damage economic productivity. A coercive signal is misleading when feedback effects on social stability and work effort—and thus on the ability to pay—are underestimated or ignored; in this case, it inaccurately predicts repayment prospects. We estimate two equations: (1) private lending to Latin borrowers as a function of our specified signals, and (2) the probability of payments problem as a function of the same set of signals. The results support our borrowing model: coercive signals do enhance lending, and at least one of these signals is misleading.  相似文献   

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