WTO与中国贸易政策、产业政策和竞争政策

从以GATT到WTO原则为核心的国际贸易规范越来越多地影响着各种贸易行为及贸易政策制定。这一贸易政策框架正在不断扩展 ,产业政策和竞争政策正成为贸易政策扩展的焦点。中国在贸易政策方面取得了相当进展 ,但在竞争政策和产业政策方面还相对滞后。今后改革的定位应当注意国际贸易政策的发展趋势 ,充分考虑竞争政策的要求 ,完善市场机制 ,及时制定相关配套政策。     

WTO非违反之诉与竞争政策

竞争政策与贸易自由化政策存在相互促进和补充的关系,对竞争政策进行国际协调有助于WTO贸易自由化政策的推进.在WTO尚未明确是否将竞争政策纳入其多边贸易框架之前,不宜以非违反之诉的方式使WTO对竞争政策进行事实上的全面规范.     

WTO体制下韩国农业政策变化对中国的启示

本文通过对世界贸易组织成立前后韩国农业政策进行比较,得出韩国政府通过调整本国的农业政策来积极应对世界贸易组织的新规则,在一定程度上抵御和缓解新的世界农产品贸易规则对韩国农业的冲击。韩国政府应对世界贸易组织的新规则,对本国农业的影响的态度和方式有很多方面值得我国借鉴和学习。     

浅谈WTO机制与世界农产品贸易保护

十九世纪以来,农产品贸易保护一直盛行于发达国家。尽管在WTO的积极推动下,农产品贸易自由化正在逐步兴起,但其进展并不尽如人意。在今后相当长的一段时间内,农产品贸易保护仍然将是一种政策常态。因此如何在国际趋势下使我国的农产品贸易保护政策合理、合法、有效是我们必须解决的重大课题。本文综合运用发展经济学、宏观经济学、微观经济学、政治经济学等相关理论的分析工具和思路,在对发达国家农产品贸易保护政策实践进行分析的基础上,剖析了目前我国农产品贸易以及农产品贸易保护政策中存在的问题,并就我国农产品贸易保护政策的调整提出了相关建议。     

WTO框架下贸易政策的选择

文章通过政治行为的经济分析研究贸易政策制定的过程 ,以及WTO在其政策制定过程中对当今各国的对外贸易政策运行机制的影响 ,定位中国在WTO体制下 ,如何在政策上制定出既符合WTO原则又反映中国利益的贸易政策。     

略论反倾销法律与竞争政策的冲突与协调

反倾销法律和竞争政策均以制止国际贸易中的不公平竞争行为为目标,二者的关系是复杂的.它们的具体目的有所不同,在实践中也就会产生不同的效果.尽管竞争政策与反倾销之间存在一定的冲突,但竞争政策国际化俨然已成为一种趋势,只有顺应这一趋势,完善我国的竞争法律与政策,协调竞争政策与反倾销法律之间的关系,才能充分发挥二者对国家竞争秩序和竞争力的作用.     

质疑WTO

一、“世界贸易组织决定政府的政策”吗? 世界贸易组织不会告诉政府该如何执行他们的贸易政策,它是一个“驱策”成员国的机构,其意思也就是说: 1)世贸组织体系的规则是各成员国之间谈判达成的协议; 2)这些规章制度得到各成员国议会的批准; 3)世贸组织的决策通常由各成员国一致通过,换而言之,世贸组织的决策是谈判协商的,可解释的,民主的。 世贸组织机构对某一政府产生直接影响的惟一情节是,当争端被递交到世贸组织,而争端解决机制(包括所有成员国)必须进行裁定时,通常争端解决机制通过采纳专家小组或上诉     

多边贸易体制下环境与贸易政策的结合

国际社会对全球环境危机的真实关切使世界贸易组织面临协调环境保护和自由贸易的任务。《建立世界贸易组织》前言第一次明确将可持续发展确立为新的多边贸易体制的基本原则和宗旨。本文首先论证了只有当环境政策和贸易自由化共同发展的时候，贸易才能对环境产生积极的影响，然后说明世界贸易组织的机制使环境和贸易政策的结合成为可能，最后介绍了世界贸易组织有关环境与贸易政策结合的法律与实践，并分析了存在的问题。     

析我国实施战略性贸易政策的必然性

战略性贸易政策为不完全竞争下的国家干预提供了理论依据，并在发达国家政策实践中取得了一定成效，但它对发展中国家的适用性一直备受争议。战略性贸易政策在我国的适用性，如何通过战略性贸易政策扶植和创造竞争优势，完善市场结构，发挥政府的宏观调控作用，通过倾斜的贸易政策保护和扶持某些具有发展潜力的战略性产业来创造和强化贸易优势，提高我国经济的国际竞争力。     

外部经济、积极的贸易政策与新型工业化道路

本文梳理了新贸易理论中“外部经济”与“积极的贸易政策”的逻辑关系,以及实施“积极的贸易政策”的条件,提出了走新型工业化道路中通过“积极的贸易政策”扶持高新技术产业发展的必要性和可行性以及应注意的几个问题。本文认为,应根据不同产业的市场结构、行为与绩效差异制定不同的产业与贸易政策;要有步骤地开放市场引进高新技术外资参与竞争,争取外资的技术外溢。     

Heterogeneous trade agreements,WTO membership and international trade: an analysis using matching econometrics

This article explores the heterogeneous effects of trade agreements (TAs) and World Trade Organization (WTO) membership on the volume of international trade. We extend Baier and Bergstrand’s (2009a) application of matching econometrics by distinguishing between different types of TAs and WTO participation and account for the endogenous nature of trade policy. For a panel data set covering 1960–2005 and 187 countries, we find that the treatment effect on international trade systematically varies with the type of TA and WTO membership.     

加入WTO后我国民族自治地方发展边境贸易的政策及其机制探析

边境贸易长期以来一直是民族自治地方经济发展的主要推动力之一。然而,我国民族自治地方的边境贸易总量规模小、出口商品档次低、与有关周边国家的边境贸易不平衡、贸易政策不对等。民族自治地方边境贸易发展还存在一些深层次的制约因素。目前,我国边境贸易政策与WTO有关协议存在一些不一致的地方。今后,加快发展我国民族自治地方的边境贸易,应该从边境地区实际情况出发,按照WTO规则和鼓励我国民族自治地方经济发展的要求,调整和完善现行民族自治地方边境贸易的政策与管理,进一步提高边境贸易的档次,规范贸易行为,以促进边境贸易的健康发展。     

Non-tariff measures: What's tariffs got to do with it?

After successive rounds of tariff reductions by GATT/WTO members, non-tariff measures (NTMs) have increasingly become the focal point of multilateral trade negotiations. It remains an open question whether the liberalization in tariff rates has subsequently been weakened or even erased by increases in NTMs. Using a product-level global panel of WTO members over the period 1996–2019, this paper systematically examines the empirical link between various tariff measures and the imposition of NTMs. I find that bound or applied tariff reductions do not correlate much on their own with NTM incidence. The relevant trade policy margin for detecting a tariff–NTM nexus is instead tariff overhangs, the difference between WTO members' bound and applied tariff rates. Countries impose more NTMs when their sectoral applied tariffs are close to their respective bound rates, indicating that small tariff overhangs signal limited legal trade policy flexibility.     

THE WTO AND ANTIDUMPING IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

Since the 1995 inception of the World Trade Organization (WTO), developing countries have become some of the most frequent users of the WTO-sanctioned antidumping (AD) trade policy instrument. This paper exploits newly available data to examine sector-level use of nine of the major "new user" developing countries, matching data on production in 28 different three-digit ISIC industries to data on AD investigations, outcomes, and imports at the six-digit Harmonized System product level. We present economically significant evidence consistent with theory that developing-country industries that seek and receive AD import protection are responding to macroeconomic shocks, exhibit characteristics consistent with endogenous trade policy formation, and face some changing market conditions consistent with requirements of the WTO Antidumping Agreement. However, the evidence also suggests substantial heterogeneity in determinants of AD use across developing countries, which highlights the flexibility of this policy as a protectionist tool responsive to many different types of political-economic shocks.     

中国加入WTO环境保护的对策研究

中国目前正积极准备加入世界贸易组织（WTO）,WTO的宗旨是实现世界贸易自由化,而贸易自由化与环境保护之间存在着密切的关系。本文总结了GATT／WTO的多边贸易协议中与环境保护有关的规定与条款,对加入WTO我国环境保护与国际贸易的协调发展提出了对策建议。     

Trade policy under the GATT/WTO: empirical evidence of the equal treatment rule

Abstract. A fundamental difference between multilateral trade agreements like the GATT and WTO and a preferential agreement is the multilateral agreements’ inclusion of a most‐favoured‐nation principle. Though MFN requires that members implement policies that provide equal treatment to all GATT/WTO countries, how far do members actually follow the MFN principle when so required? We empirically investigate a sample of GATT/WTO trade disputes and the effect of successful dispute settlement negotiations on the disputed product trade of third country exporters to the defendant country. We document evidence of trade liberalization consistent with defendant countries successfully applying the equal treatment rule. JEL classification F13     

Reconciling the WTO Effects on Trade at the Extensive and Intensive Margins

Empirical studies examining the impact of World Trade Organization (WTO) membership have produced disparate results. These studies, however, have focused on total aggregate trade flows. In this paper, we utilize disaggregated product level data to examine the impact of WTO membership on the product level extensive and intensive margin of imports. Utilizing the Poisson Pseudo-Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation that allows for heteroskedasticity in trade data and accounting for several estimation issues, we do not find a positive impact on either margins between WTO member country-pairs. Once we examine asymmetries in trade flows across countries based on their level of development, we find that developing WTO members experience an increase in the extensive margin from industrial member countries. Additionally, the industrial WTO members also experience an increase in the extensive margin from developing WTO members. Results suggest that WTO facilitates the North–South trade relationship, which has been largely absent in trade literature.     

WTO框架下我国农业补贴政策发展趋势

WTO的《农业协议》规定了三个基本的农业政策,即"黄箱政策"、"绿箱政策"以及"蓝箱政策"。"黄箱政策"明确规定了中国作为发展中国家应该达到的关于粮食补贴的水平,而我国加入WTO11年来,在不断调整的过程中仍然与WTO的规定有着一定差距,这在一定程度上制约了我国农业生产的发展。通过立法和完善政策等方式弥补差距,是促进我国农业生产、保证粮食安全以及实现农民增收的必然选择。     

Value of WTO trade agreements in a New Keynesian model

We revisit the question of the quantitative benefits of WTO trade agreements in a setup that is non-standard from the traditional trade policy point of view. We show that in a New Keynesian model, unilateral trade liberalization reduces welfare due to terms-of-trade deterioration, creating an incentive for a trade agreement. For realistic parameter values, the value of an agreement, which cuts tariffs by one percentage point, is 0.5–2% of consumption, much larger than in trade models. The intuition for this result hinges on endogenous labor supply.     

Free Trade Agreements and the Prospects for Regional Integration in East Asia

Trade policy in East Asia has switched from non-discriminatory unilateral liberalization, reinforced by General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO) commitments, to discriminatory free trade agreements (FTA). The paper surveys the FTA activity of the major regional players: China, the ASEAN countries, Japan, and South Korea. It concludes that emerging FTAs are weak and partial. A hub-and-spoke pattern of dirty FTAs will not drive regional economic integration or further integration with the global economy. Rather, it could be a force of regional economic disintegration – especially if the multilateral trading system weakens further. At the same time, FTA activity is distracting attention from the WTO, and, more fundamentally, from unilateral liberalization and domestic structural reforms. Hence, East Asian trade policies need to be rebalanced, with better-quality FTAs and more focus on the WTO. However, more important than the WTO and FTAs is a fresh spurt of unilateral liberalization and structural reform outside trade negotiations.