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Are there systematic political economy factors that shape preferences for foreign aid, a key component of American foreign policy? We analyze votes in the House of Representatives from 1979 to 2003 that would increase or decrease foreign aid by considering the political, economic, and ideological characteristics of legislators and their districts. To understand who supports and opposes foreign aid, we utilize theories of foreign economic policy preferences. By examining different types of aid policy, we show that domestic politics and especially the distributional consequences of economic aid can matter. The economic characteristics of a district and its left–right ideological predispositions influence support for aid in a systematic fashion over the nearly 25‐year period. Stolper–Samuelson models along with political ideology can help explain legislators' preferences toward aid. 相似文献
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半个世纪前的民主改革使西藏社会经济实现了巨大的发展和进步,2008年的经济总量较50年前增长近66倍,为我国经济增长较快速省区。50年来,西藏产业结构及空间布局逐步优化,基础设施不断改善,人民生活水平持续提高,生态环境得到有效保护。但需认识到,西藏今天的经济成就,是在国家及兄弟省市全力支持下取得的,自我发展能力不足,发展区位和自然条件较差的问题依然突出。西藏未来的经济发展,需按照既定目标,继续坚持改革开放和"两个长期不变"基本方针,实施新型"跨越式"发展战略,加大城乡基础设施建设力度,引导优势、特色产业发展,提升城镇化水平,加快"一点、三线、四区"区域经济格局形成,走与西藏实际相符合的可持续发展之路。 相似文献
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When the economy slips into recession, more needy students enroll in college, increasing the need for financial aid while resources for aid become more scarce. We use “Freshman Survey” data from the Higher Education Research Institute to observe changes in financial aid composition from 1980 to 2000. We use state‐level tax revenues, unemployment rates, and personal income growth as macroeconomic indicators. During recessions, we find that the burden of financing a student's college education shifts from states and institutions to families and federal programs. We also show that these macroeconomic fluctuations are increasingly volatile for underrepresented minorities. (JEL I22, H52, E32) 相似文献
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Abstract. This paper discusses what could be done to expand services trade and investment through a multilateral agreement in the WTO. A distinction is made between market access liberalization and the regulatory preconditions for benefiting from market opening. We argue that prospects for multilateral services liberalization would be enhanced by making national treatment the objective of WTO services negotiations. Moreover, if complemented by assistance to strengthen regulatory capacity in developing countries, the WTO could become more relevant in promoting not just services liberalization but, more importantly, domestic reforms of services policies. 相似文献
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Pier Angelo MORI 《Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics》2014,85(3):327-352
The community cooperatives that are spreading today in many parts of the world are the arrival point of an evolutionary process that has seen the progressive shift of cooperatives’ focus from specific social and professional groups to society as a whole. This evolution is marked by two changes. The first was at the turn of the 19th century when there made their appearance the first community cooperatives which catered to the needs of a whole community. Among them were electric cooperatives, cooperative banks and some kinds of agricultural cooperatives. A further development relevant to the evolution of community cooperatives occurred towards the end of the last century with the enlargement of cooperatives’ aims to embrace society's benefit. From this process there emerge in total four categories of cooperatives which taken together constitute a complete classification of the cooperative universe. New community cooperatives are the off‐springs of the old ones but the picture is rather confused. The term itself is relatively new and similar institutions are named differently at different times. Moreover, though having a few basic features in common, they differ much from one another and from the old ones. To take care of this we elaborate a concept of community cooperative consistent with its evolution and the classification of cooperatives we have identified. Basic elements of the concept are community goods, territory and citizenship, which are discussed extensively with reference to factual cases. We then discuss in what way new community cooperatives differ from old ones. The paper closes with a discussion of their future prospects. 相似文献
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JOANNE GOWA 《Economics & Politics》2011,23(2):153-171
Political scientists and policy‐makers agree that democratic states were less likely to engage each other in militarized disputes than were other states during the Cold War. Most among them attribute this to their domestic political structures. Some, however, believe that the common and conflicting interests that the East–West conflict induced explain the relatively low democratic‐dispute rate. Evidence from the post‐Cold War world can help to arbitrate between these very different claims, as the collapse of the Soviet Union destroyed the bipolar system, precipitated a sharp rise in the number of democracies, and shifted dispute‐rate patterns. The analyses in this paper show that dyadic dispute rates converge after the Cold War, casting doubt on the existence of a democratic peace. 相似文献
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We study donor–recipient relationships in which the donor finances aid programs from which recipients want to divert funds in order to meet their own objectives. We analyze two economies. In the first one, the donor commits to a program budget for each period. In the second economy, the donor commits to a program budget for two periods. This introduces intertemporal competition among recipient officials. We show that intertemporal competition may weaken recipients' incentives to divert funds from aid programs. Furthermore, we show that this may occur even in the presence of regional competition among recipients. 相似文献
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The objective of this paper is to use a set of varied scenarios related to the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) and the loss of European Union (EU) sugar preferences (in the form of partial and full price liberalization) in combination with the recently committed EU development aid to examine the impact on Fiji using a dynamic computable general equilibrium model. It is shown that without aid, the loss of sugar preferences has devastating impact on real output, exports, rural employment, and other macroeconomic indicators. Without aid, the EPA scenarios, on the other hand, lead to some growth in real output but depress rural employment and non-sugar agricultural exports. Although improvements are observed across the scenarios with aid, it is argued that aid would be more effective if it directly addresses the supply-side constraints in Fiji instead of focusing on the sugar sector. ( JEL C68, D58, F17, O56) 相似文献
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WEARING OUT YOUR WELCOME: EXAMINING DIFFERENTIAL MEDICAID ELIGIBILITY OF NEW ENTRANTS AND CONTINUING RECIPIENTS 下载免费PDF全文
Until recently, states were permitted to have different “new entrant” and “continuing recipient” income limits for parental Medicaid eligibility by implementing income disregards that changed with spell length. Some states utilized this option—either tightening income limits for the same family over time or loosening them. In this article, we construct a theoretical model of utility‐maximizing workers facing different time‐dependent eligibility thresholds to predict the Medicaid participation and employment behavior of workers with varying wage levels. The model reveals some inter‐temporally perverse incentives created by linking eligibility thresholds to Medicaid duration. Then, we empirically test these predictions using the Survey of Income and Program Participation and a unique compilation of state‐by‐family size Medicaid thresholds for both new and continuing recipients. We find that patterns of Medicaid participation and spell duration are consistent with the predictions of our model. There is also evidence that the individuals predicted by our model to lower their work hours may supply fewer hours of labor. As of January 2014, the Affordable Care Act disallows time‐varying income disregards; our findings suggest that states previously using this strategy will experience an adjustment in Medicaid caseloads and possibly labor market outcomes because of the change. (JEL H4, I1, J2) 相似文献
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Richard C. Lin 《Contemporary economic policy》2001,19(3):360-368
The competition on foreign aid, as a means for securing foreign policy and other benefits by the donor, can lead to diplomatic rivalry. This article utilizes a game theoretic model to analyze the existing rivalry for foreign aid and international status between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. Similar to the role of political contributions in the public choice theory, foreign aid is taken a means of international lobbying, to realize the donor's objective. Research results, based on the policy effect consideration, indicates that the equilibrium aid policy, which is endogenously determined, renders an inability on the part of the donors, which affects the recipient's optimal foreign policy. How does a donor obtain favorable outcomes when such rivalry exists? Strengthening diplomatic endeavors to realize the access effect has been proved an effective method. Analytical results have shown that this method not only complements aid rivalry but also increases the welfare of the donor. 相似文献
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Abstract. The existing theory of tied aid presupposes that trade and aid are conducted in terms of private consumption goods. However, in such a world aid can be effectively tied only if the recipient government somehow prevents its households from reselling the aid basket on world markets. That weakness of existing theory is here removed by extending the theory to accommodate non-tradable public consumption goods. The most striking result of existing theory – that, even in a world of just two trading countries, the donor might benefit and the recipient suffer from the tying of aid – is preserved. 相似文献
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byVictor Pestoff 《Annals of Public and Cooperative Economics》2009,80(2):197-224
ABSTRACT: Many countries in Europe are now searching for new ways to engage citizens and involve the third sector in the provision and governance of social services in order to meet major demographical, political and economic challenges facing the welfare state in the 21st Century. Co-production provides a model for the mix of both public service agents and citizens who contribute to the provision of a public service. Citizen participation involves several different dimensions: economic, social, political and service specific. The extent of citizen participation varies between different providers of welfare services, as too does user and staff influence. Empirical materials from a recent study of childcare in Sweden will be used to illustrate these points. However, the role of citizens and the third sector also varies between countries and social sectors. Third sector providers facilitate citizen participation, while a glass ceiling for participation exists in municipal and for-profit providers. Moreover, co-production takes place in a political context, and can be crowded-in or crowded-out by public policy. These findings can contribute to the development of a new paradigm of participative democracy. 相似文献
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Foreign aid has often been intended by donors to entice recipient nations into policy and institutional reforms favorable to private sector economic development. In this study, we investigate the relationship between aid and changes to economic freedom in recipient nations over the 1990–2000 decade. The evidence is mixed. In general, we find that foreign aid has no significant effect on economic freedom overall. However, using a hedonic approach on the different categories of economic freedom, we find that aid has still managed to contribute toward a policy and institutional environment favorable to growth, as the different categories of economic freedom improved by aid more than offset those which are harmed by aid, in terms of their impact on growth . ( JEL 010, 019) 相似文献
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This paper constructs a simple rural‐urban migration model that explicitly incorporates the interactions between the individual's migration decision, the risk of incurring an infectious disease and unemployment. We show that providing a subsidy for health investment in urban regions in the form of medical aid does not improve individual welfare. This is because it induces further urban migration, increases the risk of infection and unemployment, and offsets completely the positive cost‐reduction effect. 相似文献
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