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1.
Fiscal Discipline and Exchange Rate Systems   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
A new 'fiscal' theory of price determination has implications for exchange rate systems and common currency areas. We show that deeper monetary integration requires the discipline of a Ricardian regime ; that is, the government must guarantee fiscal solvency for any sequence of prices or exchange rates. Particularly striking results are that a currency peg is not credible without the discipline of a Ricardian regime, and a common currency area is not viable if fiscal policy in two (or more) of the countries in the union is Non-Ricardian. Interestingly, constraints written into the Maastricht Treaty are sufficient for a Ricardian regime.  相似文献   

2.
对于财政政策与居民消费的关系,主要存在凯恩斯观点、生命周期观点和李嘉图等价命题三种研究视角.但对中国而言,当前的转型经济环境将使现实中符合上述三种视角的居民会同时存在,亦即不同消费群体对财政政策的反应是异质的.文章构建了一个扩展的生命周期理论框架,其中凯恩斯观点和李嘉图等价命题均为这个框架下的特殊形式,从而为消费者行为对财政政策的异质反应提供了一个理论性的解释.此外,文章将我国城镇居民按收入等级分为五组进行相关的经验检验,发现各居民户组对财政政策的反应模式大致按收入水平由高到低表现为李嘉图等价情形、扩展的生命周期情形和凯恩斯情形,这意味着财政政策的制定对各收入阶层的居民具有歧视性效果.文章最后从优化政府购买的支出结构和调整当前税制结构两个方面提出了若干政策建议以刺激国内居民消费的增长.  相似文献   

3.
Ricardian fiscal regimes in the European Union   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
António Afonso 《Empirica》2008,35(3):313-334
The prevalence of different fiscal regimes is important both for practical policy reasons and to assess fiscal sustainability, notably for European Union countries. The purpose of this article is to assess, with a panel data set, the empirical evidence concerning the existence of Ricardian fiscal regimes in EU-15 countries. The results give support to the Ricardian fiscal regime hypothesis throughout the sample period, and for sub-samples accounting for the dates of the Maastricht Treaty and for the setting-up of the Stability and Growth Pact. Furthermore, electoral budget cycles also seem to play a relevant role in fiscal behaviour.
António AfonsoEmail: Email:
  相似文献   

4.
This paper addresses three related aspects of monetary and fiscal management in Europe and elsewhere. First, I discuss the implications of economic integration for monetary and fiscal policy, especially the narrow focus on low inflation as the main objective of monetary policy. I argue that because inflation springs from several sources, monetary authorities held responsible by law for maintaining low inflation need to exercise their newfound independence by reserving the right to address all sources of inflation. In this context, I also ponder the question as to whether the increased independence of fiscal policy from short-term political interference would be desirable. Second, I present new empirical evidence of the relationship between inflation, finance, and economic growth across countries, arguing that long-run growth considerations provide an important additional justification for why price stability ought to remain a priority of independent policy makers. Third, I review some further aspects of the relationship between fiscal policy and economic growth, emphasizing the traditional three-pronged role of fiscal management: stabilization, allocation, and distribution, all of which can be conducive to growth. The argument leads to the conclusion that only the stabilization function of fiscal policy and, perhaps, some aspects of the allocation function as well could be usefully delegated in an attempt to immunize them from shortsighted and socially counter-productive political interference, but not the distribution function.  相似文献   

5.
The second arrow of Abenomics is flexible fiscal policy. However, it does not mean just fiscal stimulus as the Abe administration decided on the fiscal consolidation target of achieving a primary surplus by fiscal year 2020. Improving the primary balance implies making government debt more sustainable. Although the consumption tax rate was raised from 5% to 8% in April 2014, the Abe administration has decided twice to postpone increasing the consumption tax from 8% to 10%. In addition, a fiscal stimulus package was implemented. We use a Fiscal Stance Index to examine fiscal policy from the viewpoint of fiscal sustainability and a Markov switching model to examine fiscal policy from the viewpoint of the fiscal theory of the price level, and find that the Abe's fiscal stance is not Ricardian.  相似文献   

6.
It is widely believed that the Fiscal Theory of the Price Level (FTPL) does not work in an environment in which initial government debt is zero. This paper demonstrates that this view is incorrect when the government issues a set of financial assets restricted to standard nominal debt contracts and money. In particular, it is possible to define a non-Ricardian fiscal policy for which the set of equilibrium price sequences under non-Ricardian fiscal policy is a proper subset of the set of equilibrium price sequences under Ricardian fiscal policy.  相似文献   

7.
Can monetary policy control inflation when both monetary and fiscal policies change over time? When monetary policy is active, a long-run fiscal principle entails flexibility in fiscal policy that preserves determinacy even when deviating from passive fiscal, substantially for brief periods or timidly for prolonged periods. In order to guarantee a unique equilibrium, monetary and fiscal policies must coordinate not only within but also across regimes, and not simply on being active or passive, but also on their extent. The amplitude of deviations from the active monetary/passive fiscal benchmark determines whether a regime is Ricardian: Timid deviations do not imply wealth effects.  相似文献   

8.
In this article we analyse whether the Ricardian equivalence hypothesis is a valid approximation for Spains economic reality or whether there exist deviations from that situation which would be more in line with the conventional Keynesian perspective of the effects of debt on private consumption-savings decisions.Our aim is to contribute to the rather sparse empirical literature on the subject for the Spanish case. The analysis is based on annual aggregate data for Spain covering the years 1955 to 2000, and uses both the structural and the Euler equation approaches to test the neutrality proposition, and is thus to be considered as a generalization of foregoing work on the Spanish economy.The findings indicate that support for Ricardian equivalence is mixed, while we also find very little support for the Keynesian specification of consumption and fiscal policy.First revision received: March 2003 / Final version received: October 2003The authors wish to thank M. Ferré, J.M. González-Páramo, A. Marchante, P. Meguire, F. Pedraja, J.L. Raymond, J. Salinas and two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions on this paper. We also thank the participants in the V Encuentro de Economía Aplicada (Oviedo, Spain, June 2002) and the XVII Simposio de Análisis Económico (Salamanca, Spain, December 2002) for their comments. Any remaining defects are our responsibility. We also are grateful to the Institute for Fiscal Studies of Spain (Ministerio de Hacienda, Secretaría de Estado de Hacienda) for its financial support.  相似文献   

9.
We assess the role of national fiscal policies, as automatic stabilizers, within a monetary union. We use a two‐country New Keynesian DSGE model, incorporating non‐Ricardian consumers and a home bias in national consumption. Fiscal policy directly stabilizes non‐Ricardian agents' consumption. By doing so it contributes to the reduction in the volatility of variables such as output, wage inflation, and real interest rates. Our analysis of country‐specific shocks does not suggest potential inter‐country conflicts (as long as policies are constrained within the automatic stabilizers framework). However, we detect a potential conflict between the two consumer groups, because fiscal policy may raise optimizing agents' consumption volatility.  相似文献   

10.
In this paper, I estimate the ex ante or intentional cyclical stance of fiscal policy in OECD countries. I use the fiscal plans reported at the time of budgeting, together with other information available to fiscal policy‐makers in real time. Indeed, fiscal plans might be significantly different from ex post outcomes because governments do not have complete control over their implementation, which is influenced by several exogenous factors. When fiscal‐policy rules are estimated using real‐time data, I show in this paper that OECD countries have often planned a counter‐cyclical fiscal stance, especially during economic expansions. This contrasts with conventional findings based on actual data, which tend to point towards a‐cyclicality or pro‐cyclicality. Forecast errors for the government structural balance and the output gap play a central role in explaining the differences between estimates based on ex ante and ex post data.  相似文献   

11.
We examine the fiscal policy options that were available to Latin American countries at the onset of the current global economic crisis, concluding that most of the major countries in the region possessed the fiscal space (as measured by credible fiscal sustainability and debt headroom) to run prudent countercyclical fiscal deficits. For those countries, the appropriate policy response involved a constrained fiscal expansion focused on productive public spending and financed by drawing on the “rainy day” funds—in the form of large stocks of foreign exchange reserves—that they accumulated in prior years, rather than by market borrowing. (JEL E62, E63, F34)  相似文献   

12.
The Great Recession sparked wide interest in the economic effects of fiscal policy. That interest is reflected in an ongoing debate over the size of the fiscal multiplier. This survey article addresses three questions: What models do economists use to estimate that multiplier? Why do estimates of it vary widely? How can economists use those estimates to judiciously analyze U.S. economic policy? (JEL E62, H30, H50)  相似文献   

13.
This paper tests the Ricardian equivalence hypothesis in the context of the Dominican Republic (DR). The results rejected the Ricardian theorem but a weaker version is shown to have significant implications for the DR. If the government borrows to increase spending, private consumption is crowded out and the economy will suffer in the long run. The outcome is worst if the government borrows to deliver a tax cut. In particular, for every RD$ 1.00 of additional debt incurred to finance government primary spending, private consumption and gross domestic product (GDP) fall by a meaningful RD$ 2.15 and RD$ 1.15 respectively. If the debt is used to finance the tax cut, the fall is RD$ 2.15 in both consumption and output. Interestingly, if the government uses taxes to cover a budget deficit, the effect is neutral and consistent with Ricardian equivalence. The paper argues that fiscal distortions are in part responsible for these multipliers. Distortions are estimated to be 21 % coming from different sources including taxes evasion and fiscal drainage. These findings suggest that the DR could benefit from either reducing the level of fiscal distortions or the size and scope of the Dominican government. If, however, the government continues to pursue an active fiscal role under the current environment, it will generate an unnecessary burden to consumption and economic growth.  相似文献   

14.
The conventional macroeconomic view that consumers make their consumption decisions without regard for goods provided by the government has been examined in the literature. Moreover, the line of research that questions this conventional view argues that this separation does not have a firm theoretical backing. If consumers take government expenditures into account when maximizing their utility functions then the effects of fiscal policy actions will tend to appear weaker than those suggested by most conventional analyses. The examination of this issue should therefore have far-reaching political as well as economic implications within the context of traditional fiscal policies.

This paper will empirically examine the ex antecrowding-out effect of government expenditures upon private consumption expenditures for the British economy. An aggregate consumption function is derived and estimated in the context of a simultaneous equations model based on intertemporal consumption theory. The empirical results should shed some light on the real effects of fiscal policy on the British economy.  相似文献   

15.
Implementing fiscal programs during monetary policy expansions seems to improve significantly their economic stimulus. We find this result by estimating the effect of government consumption shocks on gross domestic product (GDP) using a panel of 23 developing economies. Our goal is to better understand the reasons for the low fiscal multipliers found in the literature by performing estimations for alternative exchange rate regimes, business‐cycle phases, and monetary policy stances. In addition, we perform counterfactual simulations to analyze the possible gains from fiscal‐monetary policy coordination. Our results also show lower multipliers in developing economies with flexible regimes, especially during economic slowdowns. (JEL E62, E63, F32)  相似文献   

16.
Abstract

James Mill's Elements of Political Economy is usually treated as a textbook of Ricardian political economy. Although this might be justified, there is a passage in this Ricardian textbook that is not Ricardian. The passage deals with Mill's analysis of the states of society, in which he underlines the laws of human nature conducive to capital accumulation. This paper investigates such states.  相似文献   

17.
We test the relationship between the current account and fiscal policy for a group of small open developing economies with fixed exchange rates some of which are oil exporters. Specifically, we test the viewpoint of a Ricardian infinite-horizon representative agent model in which lower public savings are met by equal increases in private savings, and as a result the current account does not respond to the changes in government spending, against a Keynesian’s conventional viewpoint in which a fall in public savings has an adverse effect on the current account balance. Unlike the evidence from flexible exchange rate economies provided by many authors such as Rosensweig and Tallman (Econ Inq 31(4):580–594, 1993), Erceg et al. (Int Finance 8(3):363–397, 2005) and Saleh et al. (South Asia Econ J 6(2):221–239, 2005), the evidence from a panel data analysis and Granger-causality test of these fixed exchange-based countries supports the conventional theory of positive relationship between fiscal and external balances, with causality running from the former to the latter, in oil countries, whereas it supports the Ricardian view for non-oil countries.  相似文献   

18.
财政政策:遵守规则还是相机抉择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2004年10月,诺贝尔经济学奖的颁发,又一次引发了人们对财政政策时间一致性的关注,遵守规则的政策主张似乎又一次回归主流。通过比较英、美等发达市场经济国家财政政策的变迁以及通过分析政策规则与相机抉择不同的理论假设,我认为在制定财政政策时必须两者兼顾。我国现行的稳健(中性)财政政策恰恰体现了这种思想的内涵与本质。  相似文献   

19.
The purpose of this paper is to explore empirically for Canada the implication of the Macro Rational Expectations (MRE) hypothesis that only unanticipated fiscal policy matters for real economic activity. The empirical results generated over the quarterly period 19601 to 1982iv do not reject the MRE hypothesis for Canada. These results, therefore, cast doubts on the appropriateness of using systematic fiscal policy to stabilize the real economy in Canada.  相似文献   

20.
We analyze a problem à la Rogoff where incumbents can distort fiscal policy to signal their competency, but where fiscal policy can be centralized or decentralized. Our main focus is on how the equilibrium probability that fiscal policy is distorted in any region (the political budget cycle, PBC) differs across fiscal regimes. With centralization, there are generally two effects that change the probability of a PBC. One is the possibility of selective distortion: the incumbent can be reelected with the support of just a majority of regions. The other is a cost diversification effect, which is present unless costs are perfectly correlated across regions. Both these effects work in the same direction, with the general result that the PBC probability is lower under centralization when decentralization also involves PBC. Welfare analysis shows that voters tend to be better off when the PBC probability is lower, so voters prefer centralization when decentralization involves PBC. Our results are robust to a number of changes in the specification of the model.  相似文献   

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