Retail revolution and the village shop,c. 1660–1860

Village shops have been largely overlooked in the recent literature on British retailing in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, which has sought to redefine the parameters and timing of retail transformation. While urban shops have been explored in detail, often in ways that highlight their role in a parallel transformation in consumption patterns, little attempt has been made to look inside village shops or examine the character and practices of rural retailers. This article addresses this lacuna and offers fresh insights into the shifting position of village shops in these broader economic, business, and social changes. Taking a long view of the period c. 1660–1860, it draws on a wide range of sources to examine the stock sold and the degree of specialization exhibited by village shops, and the changing trading practices of village shopkeepers, including the provision of credit, the pricing of goods, and marketing activities. In doing so, the article highlights both long‐term continuities and important innovations of the type that also characterize urban shops, and argues that village shops, while central to rural social and economic networks, were also intimately bound into broader retail systems.     

Sources of Capital and Capitalization in the Scottish Brewing Industry, c. 1750—1830

T he formative years in the development of the Scottish brewing industry coincided with the classic Industrial Revolution between 1770 and 1830. The industry was well established by the middle of the eighteenth century, a number of important firms being founded about 1750. Capital found its way into Scottish brewing from various sources, mainly from agriculture and commerce. Merchants were among the leading groups of investors, which also included lawyers, accountants, and excisemen. Related trades, like malting, distilling, and corn-milling also provided capital. Brewing maintained close contact with the countryside, for many farmers invested in the industry in a modest way; and the waste products of the brewery (called "draff" in Scotland) were returned to the farm for fattening purposes. Most breweries were small, serving only local markets. But in the cities and growing towns, where a more concentrated market existed and transport was a lower proportion of costs, larger units quickly emerged. Urban brewers began to make inroads into country markets during the Industrial Revolution, and also to sell further afield by developing coastal and foreign trades. At the close of the period with which this study is concerned the Scottish brewing industry was becoming increasingly urban in character, dominated by large-scale production units, such as those in Edinburgh, Alloa, Falkirk, and Glasgow. This article examines two aspects of the Scottish brewing trade during the century 1750-1850 through, (i) an analysis of the main sources of capital, and (ii) a breakdown of the size of firms from legal records and insurance valuations.     

The agricultural revolution and the conditions of the rural poor,southern Sweden, 1750–1860

The social consequences of agrarian change have been widely debated. The traditional view of the lower classes becoming increasingly vulnerable due to the loss of access to resources has been met with the revisionist view that this change was counteracted by an increase in the volume and regularity of employment due to investments and new farming practices. This article address this issue by studying the agricultural revolution in southern Sweden using aggregate data at the parish level. New micro‐level data on actual harvest outcomes, supplemented by price data, make it possible to differentiate between the development of the local economy and exogenous price shocks. Our results indicate a clear mortality response to harvest fluctuations in general and to harvest failures in particular. The response differed greatly between farming regions, being strongest in the areas most dependent on grain production. The response also diminished during the agricultural revolution, indicating the increasing efficiency of the local economy. This indicates employment effects in line with the revisionist view. At the same time, vulnerability to fluctuations in prices of basic foodstuffs remained high until the second half of the nineteenth century and was also quite similar across farming regions.     

Class structure and inequality during the industrial revolution: lessons from England's social tables, 1688–1867

This article measures the size and incomes of six major social classes across the industrial revolution using social tables for England and Wales in 1688, 1759, 1798, 1846, and 1867. Lindert and Williamson famously revised these tables, and this article extends their work in three directions. First, servants are removed from middle‐ and upper‐class households in the tables of King, Massie, and Colquhoun and tallied separately. Second, estimates are made for the same tables of the number and incomes of women and children employed in the various occupations, and, third, incomes are broken down into rents, profits, and employment income. These extensions to the tables allow variables to be computed that can be checked against independent estimates as a validation exercise. The tables are retabulated in a standardized set of six social groups to highlight the changing structure of society across the industrial revolution. Gini coefficients are computed from the social tables to measure inequality. These measures confirm that Britain traversed a ‘Kuznets curve’ in this period. Changes in overall inequality are related to the changing fortunes of the major social classes.     

England's “Age of invention”: The acceleration of patents and patentable invention during the industrial revolution

Estimation of a varying parameter model reveals that the trend of patents issued in England accelerated markedly in 1757. Similar results are obtained when patents are weighted by the number of production processes in which the patented invention may be used. There is no evidence that the rules or regulations regarding patents changed around 1757, and investigation of the propensity to patent in individual industries, and of the industrial distribution of patents, does not reveal a systematic change in the propensity to patent. Therefore, an acceleration in patentable invention must have caused the acceleration in patenting. The increase of the growth rate of patenting preceded an increase of the growth rate of total factor productivity, suggesting a causal relationship. Additionally, the fluctuation of patents around trend is much smaller after 1757, which reflects a widely based increase in patentable invention. Finally, the 1762 to 1851 period was characterized by an increased growth rate of patents and invention per person; England had entered her “Age of Invention.”     

Challenging the de‐industrialization thesis: gender and indigenous textile production in Java under Dutch colonial rule,c. 1830–1920

Many dependency theorists as well as economic historians have contended that nineteenth‐century imperial policies and economic globalization de‐industrialized the global ‘periphery’. European metropoles extracted raw materials and tropical commodities from their overseas territories, and in turn indigenous consumers bought their industrial products, textiles in particular. This article investigates three of the assumptions of Ricardian trade theory that are often behind the de‐industrialization narrative. In this article it is argued that, at least for colonial Java's textile industry, these assumptions should be reconsidered. Adverse trade policies imposed by the Dutch and a prolonged terms‐of‐trade boom in favour of primary commodities make colonial Java a unique case for exploring the merits of the de‐industrialization thesis. Here it is demonstrated that Javanese households resourcefully responded to changing market circumstances, in the first place by flexible allocation of female labour. Moreover, indigenous textile producers specialized in certain niches that catered for local demand. Because of these factors, local textile production in Java appears to have been much more resilient than most of the historical literature suggests. These findings not only shed new light on the social and economic history of colonial Indonesia, but also contribute to the recent literature on alternative, labour‐intensive paths of industrialization in the non‐western world.     

Marital fertility and wealth during the fertility transition: rural France, 1750–1850

It has been long established that the demographic transition began in eighteenth‐century France, yet there is no consensus on exactly why fertility declined. This analysis links fertility life histories to wealth at death data for four rural villages in France, 1750–1850. For the first time, the wealth–fertility relationship during the onset of the French fertility decline can be analysed. Where fertility is declining, wealth is a powerful predictor of smaller family size. This article argues that fertility decline in France was a result of changing levels of economic inequality, associated with the 1789 Revolution. In cross‐section, the data support this hypothesis: where fertility is declining, economic inequality is lower than where fertility is high.     

Extralegal payments to state officials in Russia, 1750s–1830s: assessing the burden of corruption

This article uses the records of expenditures from a set of estates that belonged to the Golitsyn family to assess the level of ‘routine corruption’ in Imperial Russia in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The data from these books allow us to identify individual cases of unofficial facilitation payments made by the estates and by peasant communes to district‐level officials; to delimit key types of payment situations; and to calculate the sums expended for payments by a given estate in a given year. The resulting numbers are compared to the overall volume of obligations borne by the serfs to the state and to their landlords. Our conclusion is that while the facilitation payments were ubiquitous and accompanied any interaction with the state, the volume of these ‘routine’ payments (as opposed to other forms of extraction) was quite low and they did not put a significant burden on the peasants, while at the same time securing hefty extra incomes for top district officials. Rather, by the last decades of the eighteenth century Russian Imperial officials at the district level might have switched from a tribute‐like extortion from the population at large to acquiring vast sums by collecting unofficial payments in more targeted ways.