FREE TRADE, 'PAUPER LABOUR' AND PROSPERITY: A REPLY TO PROFESSOR MISHAN

In an Economic Viewpoint published in the September 2005 edition of Economic Affairs, ‘Can Globalisation Depress Living Standards in the West?’, Professor E. J. Mishan argued that globalisation may reduce living standards in the West by decreasing the labour–capital ratio in developed countries as firms move production to countries where labour is cheaper and/or migrants to the West from the developing world bid down wage rates. In a reply to Professor Mishan's article, Dr John Meadowcroft argues that this view of globalisation is far too pessimistic and explains why free trade, not protection, will secure the prosperity of developed and developing economies. In a final comment, Professor Mishan responds to this critique of his analysis.     

Keynes' Investments

Abstract . It is well known that in The General Theory, Keynes is very critical of the stock exchange market, an institution, he says, that “cannot be claimed as one of the outstanding triumphs of laissez-faire capitalism.” At the same time much of his income was derived from speculation in commodities, stocks and foreign exchange. Some questions raised by Keynes’ way of making a living are addressed. When did his market activities begin? Did he, as some detractors allege, take advantage of insider information? What principles of behavior did he follow in his buying and selling? What was his attitude toward his way of making a living? And, above all do the views expressed in The General Theory reflect the influence of Keynes’ market experience? It is suggested that there is, in fact, a close relation between Keynes’ financial experiences and some of his distinctive economic theories. His experiences, interpreted in the light of his Apostolic-Moorean beliefs, caused the deeply critical attiiude toward the whole financial system that one finds in The General Theory's chapter 12.     

Why Everyone Should Read George's 'Progress and Poverty': On the Classic's Centenary, the Specialists Find This 19th Century Best Seller Still Very Timely

Abstract . When one urges that everyone read a classic, Progress and Poverty, now on the centenary of its publication, it is not only because in a democracy the voting citizen decides basic questions of economic policy, but because it appeals to the moral sense of economics students as well as other social scientists. Is it not important that legislation affecting living standards and culture be just, as well as scientifically sound? And that economists, along with other social scientists, master communication technique as Henry George did, so that they can share the fruits of their investigations? Part of the ability to get something done about what is perceived as a problem must rest on the ability to communicate, As Joseph Schumpeter showed, George's proposal that the economic rent of land be collected in lieu of taxes that burden labor and capital was economically sound and his criticism of a tax system that penalizes industry and thrift and rewards speculation is now “obvious wisdom,”     

Why Distinguish Between Statistics and Mathematical Statistics–The Case of Swedish Academia

A separation between the academic subjects statistics and mathematical statistics has existed in Sweden almost as long as there have been statistics professors. The same distinction has not been maintained in other countries. Why has it been kept for so long in Sweden, and what consequences may it have had? In May 2015, it was 100 years since Mathematical Statistics was formally established as an academic discipline at a Swedish university where Statistics had existed since the turn of the century. We give an account of the debate in Lund and elsewhere about this division during the first decades after 1900 and present two of its leading personalities. The Lund University astronomer (and mathematical statistician) C. V. L. Charlier was a leading proponent for a position in mathematical statistics at the university. Charlier's adversary in the debate was Pontus Fahlbeck, professor in political science and statistics, who reserved the word statistics for ‘statistics as a social science’. Charlier not only secured the first academic position in Sweden in mathematical statistics for his former PhD student Sven Wicksell but also demonstrated that a mathematical statistician can be influential in matters of state, finance as well as in different natural sciences. Fahlbeck saw mathematical statistics as a set of tools that sometimes could be useful in his brand of statistics. After a summary of the organisational, educational and scientific growth of the statistical sciences in Sweden that has taken place during the last 50 years, we discuss what effects the Charlier–Fahlbeck divergence might have had on this development.     

Observability and Sorting in a Market for Names

Can firm names be tradeable assets when changes in name ownership are observable? Earlier literature focuses on trading of firm names when trading is not observable to the consumer. Yet, casual empiricism suggests that shifts in name ownership are often publicly known. This paper studies how firm names can be traded even under full observability. In equilibrium, even when consumers see a reputed name being divested they continue to trust it and so, these names are tradeable. I further demonstrate an appealing “sorting” property of these equilibria. Competent firms can separate themselves by buying valuable names, and incompetent firms can give themselves away by using worthless names.     

Henry George and the Contemporary Debate over Industrial Protectionism

Abstract . The central question of Henry George's 1886 book. Protection or Free Trade, commemorated now after a century, was: do protectionist policies help or hinder the working man Have George's concerns in 1886 since become outdated or anachronistic? If not, what are some historic trends toward protectionism since that time? Some of the formal arguments for and against protectionism are examined. George contended that protectionism threatens labor unions and reduces workers’wages. An apparent counterexample is provided by the International Ladies’Garment Workers’Union, which now actively lobbies for protectionist legislation. Its arguments have merit when protectionism is viewed instrumentally, but one must recognize that there are substantive objections to protectionism as a comprehensive national policy. George linked protectionism to paternalism; his theory of economic value as well as his model of the rational economic man are derived from basic democratic principles which stand at sharp odds with the implicit paternalism of tariff policies.     

Value-relevant Sociology: The Analysis of Subjects of Social Consequence, Including Implications for Human Well-being

Abstract . The need for sociology to become socially relevant is now being articulated by professional sociologists. While the doctrine that the discipline should be value-free allows sociologists to serve and promote the social values of others, a vital sociological endeavor requires more. Classic sociology was value-relevant. To be socially relevant, it is essential that the discipline become consciously value-relevant, not value-free. For sociology to distinguish important from unimportant social problems and actions requires judgments of relative social value. What social theory, what social policies, and why? Significant sociology analyzes the consequences of social structure, forces and change. This cannot be done in a value-free context, especially so for sociologists who are interested in matters of social policy.     

Louis Post as a Carpetbagger in South Carolina: Reconstruction as a Forerunner of the Progressive Movement

Abstract . Did the reforming zeal of the Carpetbaggers have much influence upon men who would later be involved in the Progressive movement? The experience of Louis F. Post, who served as a Carpet-bagging stenographer in South Carolina and who later became editor of the Chicago Public and Assistant Secretary of Labor in the Woodrow Wilson administrations, seems to indicate a continuity of interest not only in reform, but in racial equality. Post's unpublished autobiography, his article on his Carpetbagging experience which appeared in the Journal of Negro History and newspaper dispatches he wrote for the Hackettown Gazette in 1871 and 1872 provide the major pieces of evidence that the Carpetbaggers’ experience—often written off as job grabbing by political hacks eager to capitalize on the defeat of the South in the Civil War—was a wellspring of the Progressive movement in America.     

三代木头人的不老歌

木玩世家的繁衍,是精神和工艺的代代相传,正像那座"盖不完的庙""你有能力就当总经理,没能力的话就在边上当当股东算了。"何彬和父亲何尚清的回忆在这句话上重合了。2003年,25岁的何彬接了班,这时距父亲创立和信玩具有限公司已有12年。温州永强机场出来,坐去丽水的中巴,两小时后再转乘出租车,40分钟左右便可驶入云和县城。如果你跟我一样感兴趣于这个"中国木制玩具城"的商业家族,行业领路人何寿祯老先生是绕不过去的传奇。     

On the Origins of The American Journal of Economics and Sociology: Its Purposes and Objectives

This essay, written with the help of his devoted wife, Mrs. Dorothy Burnham Lissner, was prepared at the request of the current editor of the AJES. This essay was written during the fall of 1999. On September 10, Mrs. Lissner informed me that, “The early history of the Journal is all done. . . . I hope it is satisfactory . . . Will and I worked very hard on it. Long hours. . . . so I decided to interview him and take down what he said or have him answer on tape. Then I put everything together on the computer, almost like an article. He [Will Lissner] has checked it and thinks it's perfect, that we can do no better” (correspendence of D. B. Lissner with L. Moss, 9/10/99). This is the last known writing of Will Lissner and summarizes his aims, goals, and ambitions for this Journal nearly six decades after its founding. Had Will had more time, this essay would have been the first of a series of reflections on this history of this Journal.     

Legacy fundraising: a practical guide to the basics

• Remember a Charity, the public awareness campaign run by over 130 charities in the UK, has stated that donations in wills are the largest single source of voluntary income for charities—currently worth £1.3 billion per year (April 2005).
• So can legacies to charity still be described as just windfall money? Should charities spend precious funds on promoting legacy giving when it is difficult to monitor results? It so, what is the message? Who are the target audiences? What form should legacy promotional literature take? What part could or should solicitors and funeral directors play in legacy campaigns? Patrick Wise looks back on his twenty plus years of experience in the world of charitable legacies, and gives his views on the answers to these questions, and why he thinks all charities should take legacy promotion very seriously.

Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Henry George and British Labor Politics

Abstract . Henry George, the American social reformer and Single Taxadvocate, made six visits to Britain in the last quarter of the 19th century, a period crucial in British labor politics. George became locked in contest for the minds and hearts of British working men and women, as well as all classes, with the advocates of Christian and moderate socialism and with Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, the chief advocates of State socialism through political revolution. Though it was Marx's adopted country, George won out for a time, and it was his program for competitive capitalism, with socialization limited to industries unsuited for market discipline, which influenced development of a mixed economy. New research complementing E. P. Lawrence's traces George's decisive impact on the founders of the British labor parties, some leaders of which almost achieved George's fiscal program. But it was the Liberals who later fought for his full program.     

John A. Hobson: Economic Heretic

Abstract . John A. Hobson was a self-styled economic heretic who developed and original and remarkably comprehensive system of economic and social thought. This system is based on certain distinctively Hobsonian concepts and theories. Hobson's economic heresies were based on his theory of distribution in which he rejected orthodox marginal productivity theory and developed a theory of economic surplus the distribution of which is determined by economic power. This underlay his theory of under-consumption which in turn was used to explain and analyze economic and social issues such as unemployment, the business cycle, the labor movement, imperialism and taxation. Hobson was also critical of the whole methodology of economic science on the grounds that it abstracted from human welfare in its widest sense. He argued that proper values should be introduced into the study of economic activity so that it could assist in the attainment of the best conditions of human life, both social and individual.     

Veblen and the Political Economy of Technocracy: The Herald of Technological Revolution Developed an Ideology of 'Scientific' Collectivism

Abstract . In the early 1900s, engineers the United States began developing their own analysis of the economy. Thorstein Veblen, in The Engineers and the Price System, gave a systematic treatment of that analysis. But Veblen's approach to political economy was broader than that of the engineers. His understanding of social change was based on a two-part research program: First, recognize the institutional elements of social stability; then identify an operative force with technological values that could foster change. When applied to the U.S. of his day, this research program resulted in Veblen's seeing a conflict between pecuniary and industrial values. Veblen believed that the triumph of industrial values was crucial for making society compatible with mass-production technology. These values were held to by both engineers and industrial workers. Veblen's earlier works emphasized workers as being agents for social change; later he shifted his focus to engineers. In both cases he reacted to the social activism of each group.     

The Time Horizon of Planned Social Change: I. Why Utopian Movements Always Promise Amelioration in the Future

Abstract . Why have worthy social reforms in general, and Henry George's 100-year-old proposal to end land speculation and land monopoly, in particular, taken so long to win acceptance? The sociology of knowledge, framed by Mannheim and others, offers fresh insight into the question. The newer concepts of time horizon and its variants-time frame and temporal calibration-examined by Edward Banfield, Paul Fraisse and others, take it further. Seen and discussed by Locke, Hobbes and Hume without being given names, the new concepts have only recently been singled out for closer study. Time horizon, as a human variable, clarifies why Utopian ideas are originally acceptable to few, and isolates factors that determine the rate at which those ideas become realistic. Thus it helps establish how best to speed that transition.     

Locke's Contract: would People consent to It?

Abstract . Examination of Locke's theory political obligation suggests some of the difficulties which beset any consent theory. Stress is placed on the need for the state of nature as a real alternative to civil society, if Locke is to maintain that people have consented. It is shown that Locke has precluded a decision to remain in the state of nature and, therefore, people have not consented. This conclusion inspires a reconstruction of Locke's theory wherein people consent hypothetically: they would consent to legitimate government, if they had the opportunity to found government anew. What would they consent to? What are the criteria of legitimate government? The provisions of the Lockeian contract set out and found wanting People, as Locke sees them and living under conditions which he describes, would not consent to his contract.     

Henry George and Europe

Abstract . Henry George's land reform ideas became known in Germany not through his writing or speaking but through the efforts of Michael Flürscheim, an industrialist and pioneer social reformer, who first presented those ideas to the public. The American's idea that the land value tax was the only legitimate source of government revenue as the only economic surplus had found no acceptance among German socialist leaders. It was a capitalist, Flürscheim, who was inspired by George's theories and wrote and spoke about them. Flürscheim brought about the foundation of the first German land reform organization. Though it failed, a successor became the largest such association in the world.     

A Test of U. S. National Economic Policy in the Post-World War II Period

Abstract . This inquiry is an effort to evaluate the macroeconomic performance of the United States economy in the period after the close of World War II in terms of the macroeconomic goals to which national economic policy supposedly had been directed. That is, whether policy achieved full employment, price stability or an adequate rate of growth. Insofar as key indicators can be used as a basis for judgment—and there is, as yet, no scientific basis for measuring how far that reliance can be chanced—it would appear that policy was least successful in attaining full employment with price stability, or full employment, or price stability. In certain infrequent periods, growth seems to have occurred. But was its rate “adequate?” And did it result from policy? Analysis by key indicators may not tell us much, if anything; but it helps to delineate an approach toward policy-monitoring researchers need to cultivate.     

Henry George the Classical Model and Technological Change:*The Ignored Alternative to the Single Tax in Progress and Poverty

Abstract . Henry George's vision of land monopolization as the source of growing rentier income was compatible with all elements in the predominant Ricardian-Millian classical distribution model except the rent-reducing effects of technological change and Malthusian population growth as the catalyst underlying income distribution. Since George also rejected Malthusianism on ethical and philosophical grounds, his analysis focused on the autonomous nature of rent income with respect to population and technological change. George analyzed the distributive consequences of both increasing technology with constant population, and constant technology with increasing population. In the latter case, George, in an ultimate rejection of Malthusianism, demonstrated an optimistic increasing returns to scale of population growth. However, although capable, George never considered a logical extension of his analysis, namely, the dynamic case of changing population, technology, and increasing returns. This analysis would have contradicted his predictions of the trend in relative income shares and the uniqueness of the single tax as the solution to social and economic distress.     

Is This What The Democratic City Looks Like? Local Democracy,Housing Rights and Homeownership in the Portuguese Context

This article analyses the creation of a normative framework for the democratic city during the regime change in Portugal in 1975—the answers that were given to the question, ‘What should a city be like in a democratic regime?’ While I critically discuss post‐democracy and its use of post‐foundational contributions, I review the post‐revolution Portuguese constitutional debate, contending that the call for democratization brought by urban popular organizations was answered with a political compromise that exchanged expectations of a participatory city for a commitment to a social rights city, enhanced with a promise of homeownership for urban popular segments. In light of this, in this article I question post‐democratic proposals, arguing that when this approach implicitly establishes equivalence between democracy and ‘the political’, it has difficulties in interpreting how the grammar of democracy is ‘organized’ in conflictual and contingent processes of democratic institutionalization. As an alternative, I contend that a critical debate concerning democracy and the urban must address how democratic expectations of emancipation have been translated into institutions and rights through interwoven and situated processes of politicization and depoliticization that allow both politicization of the urban and the production of consent .