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冷战的结束使军火贸易市场出现了新的态势和特点。军火贸易量在总体上呈减少趋势,但秘密武器交易急速升温,一些热点地区的军备竞赛有增无减。从发展趋势看,军火贸易量在一定程度下降后将逐步趋于稳定,军火设计、制造、销售上将进一步走向集团化,争夺高技术武器市场占有率将成为军火贸易的热点。 相似文献
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当前,伴随着国际局势的变化,世界军火市场出现新动向,一方面,竞争更加激烈,虽出口大国地位稳固,但中等武器出口国家亦不甘寂寞;另一方面,出于资本扩张的内在机制要求与战略考虑,军火出口大国的合作对象、内容也都有所扩展和突破。一是世界军火市场竞争激烈。据美国国会2000年8月21日发表的报告称,全世界军火贸易总额在1999年 相似文献
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国际军火贸易中的比较优势分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文章通过对国际军火贸易的成因及特点进行分析 ,明确国际军火贸易是国际贸易的一个重要组成部分 ;再通过对国际军火贸易中的比较优势分析 ,来认清我国的国际军火贸易的成绩和存在的问题 ,并运用比较优势理论的相关内容对我国的军火贸易提出建设性的意见。 相似文献
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一、入世前,外资在我国服务业的特点 我国引资有三种形式:对外借款、外商直接投资以及用其他方式筹措的境外现汇、设备、技术等.入世前,我国服务业中的外资呈现出以下特点. 相似文献
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Hadi Soesastro 《Asian-Pacific economic literature》1994,8(1):27-47
The trend towards further reductions in world military expenditure does not seem to be shared by most Asian-Pacific countries. Military expenditure in the region continues to expand, but the military burden (the proportion of military expenditure in GDP) and the military share (the share of military expenditure in central government expenditure) are declining in most Asian-Pacific countries. This is largely due to sustained high economic growth in the region. Thus far, the military burden has not had an adverse effect on the region's economic growth, but continued expansion of military expenditure is not sustainable in countries where the military share is high. Asian-Pacific countries are vigorously developing, modernizing and upgrading their indigenous arms production capabilities. This effort has been aided not only by the availability of financial resources but also by the changing nature of the international arms market that offers attractive package deals, including various licensing, co-production and offset manufacturing arrangements. 相似文献
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中国软件产业的现状与未来 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
一、全球软件产业概况软件产业是当今世界上增长最快的朝阳产业,并将成为本世纪推动世界经济增长和社会发展的重要力量。世界各国已经将软件作为其全球竞争的战略制高点。软件产业越来越成为国家之间竞争的焦点。统计数据表明,从1997年到2000年,全球经济平均增长率为3.4%,而信息产业的平均增长率为10%,其中软件产业平均增长率为13%。进入90年代以来,中国软件产业每年增长率都在20%以上,呈现出快速发展的态势。中国、美国、日本、印度等国家在全球软件产业总额中的份额见下表1-1。表1-11999-200… 相似文献
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John Wong 《Asian Economic Journal》1996,10(3):291-303
For nine long years China made determined but unsuccessful efforts to rejoin GATT, having gone through 21 rounds of protracted negotiations. China failed to become a founding member of WTO when it superseded GATT in January 1995. In 1989 GATT was about to work out the final terms of protocol for China's entry as a reforming socialist economy. But the Tiananmen event made the developed country members, led by the US, politicize the issue of China's membership. They also wanted to prise open the vast China market as a condition for China's entry; i.e. China to be admitted as a developed economy. China for its part regarded the price of its WTO membership as too exorbitant without being allowed a reasonable timetable for adjustment. Minister Wu Yi considered the US demands ‘absolutely unacceptable’. Hence the impasse over China's WTO membership continued. Apart from the imperative of trade diplomacy, however, the perceived benefits of WTO membership to China are difficult to capture. They are mainly general and long-term in nature, e.g. facilitating China's further economic reform and integrating China into the global economy. However, the costs and risks to China could be considerable, much depending on the exact protocol terms of China's membership. In general many state-owned enterprises and township-village enterprises would suffer from stiffer foreign competition. The effect of WTO on Chinese agriculture would be minimal, while the impact on the manufacturing sector could be quite disruptive. The service sector could fare even worse if no protective measures were to be taken. That explains why China needs to insist on developing-country terms of entry. Without doubt, China will eventually accede to WTO. It is a gross anomaly for this global multilateral trade body to continue excluding China, the world's 11th largest trading nation, on which also hinge the two other great trading entities of Hong Kong and Taiwan. There is increasing awareness of this point in the EU; and it will sooner or later also prevail in Washington. 相似文献
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对日美贸易摩擦的回顾与展望 总被引:4,自引:3,他引:1
日美贸易摩擦是战后日美经济贸易关系中一个非常突出的问题,是日美全部经济摩擦的基点,在相当程度上决定着两国其它方面摩擦的产生,发展和解决方式。本文将在简要回顾日美贸易摩擦的历史发展进程的基础上,分析其特点及其产生根源,并进一步探讨新世纪日美贸易摩泊发展趋势。 相似文献
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