Another look at comparable worth’s impact on black women

In a 1986 article in theReview, Julianne Malveaux discussed the use of a comparable worth strategy for improving the economic position of black women (and men). In this response, the authors point out that some occupational channeling occurs prior to labor market entry and also suggest economic factors that could lead to reduced economic opportunity for some women as a result of the implementation of a comparable worth policy.     

Comparative labor supply of black and white women

Conclusions The presence of young children decreases women’s labor supply as shown by the LFPRs for women with young children (which are always considerably lower than those for women without young children). Also, the number of young children is almost always negatively related to annual hours of labor supplied (significantly so in half the regressions). Black and white women are found to have an inelastic labor supply, but with increasing elasticity from 1969 to 1974. There is a statistically significant difference in the estimated regression coefficients of the labor supply model for black and white married women in 1969 and 1974 in both the arithmetic and logarithmic forms. The husband’s earnings are significantly negatively related to white married women’s annual hours of work in 1974, while the relationship is not significant for black married women. Crosselasticity terms show that white married women decrease their annual hours of work in response to an increase in husband’s earnings to a greater extent than black married women in 1971 and 1974. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that black women do not rely on their husband’s earnings to as great an extent as white women.     

Labor market racial discrimination against black women

Conclusion The data we have reviewed describe black women as having achieved parity with white women and indicate that this conclusion is not seriously affected after controlling for the direct and indirect effects of differences in time worked. However, the economic position of black women is not uniform throughout the economy. Black women have advanced primarily in public sector jobs and these advances have been made primarily by the youngest cohorts. Progress in the private sector has been much slower. Claims that a “new labor market” exists for black women ought to be carefully qualified, for their progress is impressive primarily when they are compared to white women—another disadvantaged group. Both groups of women are falling farther behind men in terms of relative earnings.16 Furthermore, it may be quite erroneous to interpret small differences in earnings between black and white women as evidence that black women do not suffer racial discrimination, as the following example illustrates.     

Wealth distribution and its impact on minorities

Originally published inThe Review of Black Political Economy, Vol. 4, No. 4 (Summer 1972) pp. 27-37.     

Women's autonomy and its impact on fertility

This paper seeks to assess empirically the impact of female autonomy on fertility. It argues that by attending to fundamental freedoms for impoverished women, by enhancing women's access to and control over critical resources — their capability to achieve well-being — we not only meet welfare goals but also promote a reduction in fertility. The findings of this paper affirm the post-Cairo discourse emphasizing health and women's education. The findings also suggest the need to broaden the focus to include other initiatives that foster women's autonomy and to engage the full range of empowerment possibilities.     

The impact of black mayors on the black community: The case of New Orleans’ ernest morial

Conclusion Dutch Morial is deeply respected by the New Orleans black community. According to a poll conducted in April 1983 by Rose-Stekler Associates, 80% of the black respondents gave Morial “excellent” or “good” job ratings, compared to only 11% who found him doing a “fair” or “poor” job. Despite very limited resourses, the Morial mayoralty has facilitated the entrance of the black middle class into the governmental process, providing access to city contracts and administrative positions. On the other hand, the black underclass has received meager rewards in the form of employment or a reduction in police brutality. Hopefully, economic development, in the long-run, will create jobs and provide additional city revenue to fund services for the poor. But for now, the primary impact of a black mayor on the black community of New Orleans has been symbolic kinds of benefits. Yet the potential positive benefits of a black mayor serving as a role model for black youth, as well as the value of civil rights rhetoric in fostering hopefulness and a more self-reliant black community, should not be underestimated. The characterization of the status of the civil rights movement in 1983 offered by C. T. Vivian, head of the Anti-Klan Network, well applies to New Orleans black community today: “Everything has changed and nothing has changed. The statistics are still terrible. But the atmosphere is totally different.”⁴⁹     

General health conditions and medical insurance issues concerning black women

In the last 30 years the health status of black women has improved. However, the likelihood of health problems from complications of pregnancy and childbirth or prolonged illness from combined effects of diabetes, hypertension, and obesity remains. The need for continuity of care for these conditions and the low economic status of black women suggest that current policy shifts away from emphasis on increased access to medical care will adversely affect the health status of black women. Policies to contain health-care costs should therefore be designed to assure appropriate access to needed care for black women and other low-income groups.     

The impact of demand management policies on black vs. white employment

This article uses vector autoregression analysis to examine the relative impacts on black and white employment growth of monetary and fiscal actions. It was found that the employment responses to anticipated policy actions, while significant, were generally short-lived, with the exception of the effects of anticipated money growth on white employment. The influences of unanticipated policy changes are of a longer duration. The predominant finding in which black employment growth responded differently from white employment growth was in response to a monetary shock. The black employment response was sharply negative while the white employment response was a gradual increase over nine quarters. The results indicate that this difference occurred only during the 1980s and not in the 1970s and suggests that the effects of bank failures and credit rationing during this period may have significantly hurt minority employment opportunities.     

A report on the educational status of black women during the un decade of women, 1976–85

By most statistical indicators, the educational gains made by black women during the past decade are rapidly being eroded: high school completion rates and college enrollment figures are declining, and dropout rates are increasing. The increase in black women earning bachelors and graduate degrees is due almost entirely to their higher participation rates in college. A higher proportion of blacks than whites are below 24 years of age; declining enrollments at a time when the black population is expanding reflects a significant loss. Important areas for policy initiatives include increases in financial aid. a critical factor in college attendance by black women-particularly at the graduate and professional degree levels-improvement in quality of primary and secondary education and counseling, and continuing education programs for teenage mothers.     

金融危机对广东外贸的影响及对策分析

2008年以来,中国受到金融危机的冲击,经济对外依存度高的广东首当其冲。国际经济形势恶化对广东进出口的影响可能进一步加深,但广东出口产品结构的优化、产品的价格优势、应对外部环境变化能力的不断增强以及对新兴市场的开拓使其在全球金融危机的大背景下仍然保有对外贸易平稳发展的不少有利条件和积极因素,只要进一步加快产业升级、积极延伸产业价值链、努力开拓新兴市场,广东外贸将能够平稳度过全球金融危机的冲击。     

The effects of immigrants,women, and teenagers on the relative earnings of black males

There is currently a debate taking place on the impact of immigration on the employment of native-born Americans. Several recent studies have attempted to empirically examine the effect on nativeborn workers but few have investigated the impact on the economic status of black workers. This article attempts to address this question by examining the effects of competition from recent immigrants on the relative earnings of black males. The effects of potential competition from female and teenage workers is also investigated. The results suggest that the relative earnings of centralcity black makes are, in fact, sensitive to the degree of labor force penetration of recent immigrants and female workers.     

The economic interests of black and white women: Are they similar?

Are the economic interests of black and white women similar? This article explores this question by reviewing data on the “feminization of poverty,” data on changes in the economic status of blacks, and differences in the occupational status of black and white women. The article reviews several policy questions, discusses ways in which the interests of black and white women differ in the policy arena, and concludes that although there are some similarities in the interests of black and white women, the racial interests of black women suggest that the interests of black and white women may frequently differ.