Does Tax Competition Reduce Corruption?

A vast literature asserts that competition among jurisdictions can mitigate corruption. However, empirical studies do not fully support such a conventional view. This paper points out a drawback of the conventional view, that is, it ignores the role played by the owners of immobile factors. Within a standard tax competition model, we amend the conventional view by incorporating the lobbying of the immobile factor owners, and show that fiscal decentralization can aggravate corruption. We also demonstrate that social welfare can be higher under decentralization than under centralization in some cases, whereas the immobile factor owners' lobbying will prevent such a superiority of decentralization from being the outcome. Moreover, we provide an example to show that a better policy outcome and a higher level of corruption can co‐exist, which contrasts with the general belief.     

Does Increased Extraction of Natural Gas Reduce Carbon Emissions?

Without an international climate agreement, extraction of more natural gas could reduce emissions of CO₂ as more clean natural gas may drive out dirty coal and oil. Using a computable equilibrium model for the Western European electricity and natural gas markets, we examine whether increased extraction of natural gas in Norway reduces global emissions of CO₂. We find that both in the short run and in the long run total emissions are reduced if the additional quantity of natural gas is used in gas power production in Norway. If instead the additional quantity is exported directly, total emissions increase both in the short run and in the long run. However, if modest CO₂-taxes are imposed, increased extraction of natural gas will reduce CO₂ emissions also when the additional natural gas is exported directed.earlier version of this paper was presented at the 25th Annual IAEE International Conference in Aberdeen June 2002.     

Modes of Foreign Direct Investment and Intellectual Property Rights Protection: Wholly‐owned or Joint Venture? Firm‐level Evidence from Taiwanese Multinational Manufacturing Enterprises

This paper finds evidence from Taiwanese manufacturing multinational enterprises (MNEs) for the period 2003–2005 to show that Taiwanese manufacturing MNEs are more likely to choose joint ventures (JVs) if intellectual property rights (IPRs) protection in the foreign direct investment (FDI) host country is strong. The estimation results suggest that if a country with an IPR strength similar to the level of Chile increases its IPR protection to the strength of Taiwan, the probability of forming JVs in that country will increase by 13.8%. One policy implication of this study is that developing countries can stimulate local participation by IPR reform.     

The Discussion on Railway Public Property Right and State-capital Formation Mechanism

During the process of private enterprise and relaxing control, the railway industry of the entire world reserves considerably proportional state enterprise and state capital. One important reason of these economic phenomena is that there are many establishment collectivities in the railway industry. Every railway transportation enterprise uses the railway network, the hinge, the organizing group station and even the control center, take the format of public property and state capital to organize the relative transportation resources, which is more efficient in many instances than the private property right and capital, which is also the important economic reason why in the railway industry all of the world there are still ubiquitous for the public property rights and state-capital.     

Paying Close Attention to the Research on Property Right of Market

The property fight of market is a foundation, on which various kinds of micro tangible property rights and intangible property rights exist and realize, and as an economic category, the property right of market appears after the class, the state and the equity title. The contents that are involved in the research on the theory and the practice of property fight of market are extensive, including a lot of aspects such as its key theory, the relation between market economy and international competitiveness, etc. Therefore, the research on the property right of market has very important theoretic and practical significance.     

Does Foreign Presence Induce Host Country Firms’ Exit? The Case of Portugal

International Advances in Economic Research - This paper analyzes the impact of foreign presence on the probability of exit of host country firms, based on a significant sample of Portuguese...     

Protection and skills: Does trade policy favor low‐skill workers?

Many believe that international trade barriers in rich nations help low‐skill workers. Also, the empirical endogenous protection literature strongly implies that protection decreases with skill levels. This paper presents evidence against this conventional wisdom. Regressions based on a political economy model with search frictions and unemployment imply that protection and skill levels actually have a mound‐shaped relationship: industries with skills in the middle range get more protection than industries at either end of the distribution. Apparently, the politics of trade policy trump social concerns, rendering protection less “progressive” than is commonly believed.     

Effective rates of protection and the Fordney–McCumber and Smoot–Hawley Tariff Acts

This study presents the first calcualtions of effective rates of protection for 1920, 1923 and the first and second half of 1930 for the United States economy disaggregated to 39 sectors. The calculated changes in the effective on the United States economy of the Emergency and Fordney–McCumber tariff acts of 1921 and 1922 and of the Smooth–Hawley Tariff Act of 1930.

The results suggest that the Emergency and Fordney–McCumber tariff acts resulted in a much larger increase in the level of protection given to American industry than the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act. Further, the results indicate that Smoot-Hawley had a small effect on the level of protection.     

Does Technological Innovation Really Reduce Marginal Abatement Costs? Some Theory,Algebraic Evidence,and Policy Implications

The existing literature models innovation in pollution control as a reduction in marginal abatement costs. We show that this assumption is inappropriate for production process innovations such as fuel switching. Algebraically, we examine the effects of different innovation types on marginal abatement cost curves, showing that some desirable innovations increase marginal abatement costs. Empirically, we estimate marginal abatement costs for sulfur dioxide by measuring the output distance function for electric power in Korea. Regression results confirm that production process innovations did raise marginal abatement costs in this case. One policy implication: economic instruments do not always provide stronger innovation incentives than command-and-control policies.      

Does Disclosure Reduce Pollution? Evidence from India’s Green Rating Project

Public disclosure programs that collect and disseminate information about firms’ environmental performance are increasingly popular in both developed and developing countries. Yet little is known about whether they actually improve environmental performance, particularly in the latter setting. We use detailed plant-level survey data to evaluate the impact of India’s Green Rating Project (GRP) on the environmental performance of the country’s largest pulp and paper plants. We find that the GRP drove significant reductions in pollution loadings among dirty plants but not among cleaner ones. This result comports with statistical and anecdotal evaluations of similar disclosure programs. We also find that plants located in wealthier communities were more responsive to GRP ratings, as were single-plant firms.     

Does Women’s Labor Force Participation Reduce Domestic Violence? Evidence from Jordan

Enhancing women’s labor force participation is seen as a way to promote their empowerment and improve their well-being and that of their children. The empirical literature on the relationship between women’s employment status and domestic violence is less clear-cut. Using quantitative data from Jordan in 2007, this study explores the effect of women’s employment, as measured by their participation in paid work outside the home, on reported domestic violence, controlling for the potential endogeneity of women’s employment, which might bias the relationship between employment and domestic violence. Without taking endogeneity into account, the regression results suggest that a woman’s participation in paid work enhances violence by her husband. After controlling for endogeneity, these results turn out to be insignificant, which suggests that women’s work status has no causal influence on marital violence. Differentiating between various types of domestic violence provides weak evidence that women’s employment lowers sexual violence.     

Empirical Study on the Impact on China＇ s Intellectual Property Creation caused by Capital Investment and Open Economy

知识产权创造是知识产权战略的核心,是自主创新的关键,是推动经济转型升级的重要着力点。基于2000～2009年的省际数据,运用面板数据单位根检验、格兰杰检验、协整检验、混合效应模型对全国及东、中、西部的资本投入、进口贸易和外商直接投资对知识产权创造的影响进行了实证分析,结果表明资本投入、开放经济对知识产权创造具有显著的正效应,但存在地区差异。     

Charitable Donations: Evidence of Demand for Environmental Protection?

Using data from the 2001 Giving and Volunteering in the United States survey, I examine household charitable donations to environmental organizations. Household income has a positive impact on environmental giving. While the tax price affects overall charitable contributions, it does not affect environmental giving. More education, being female, homeownership, and voting are also associated with a greater likelihood of contributing to the environment. African-Americans and Latinos are less likely to contribute to the environment, although conditional on giving, Latinos give more. Retired persons and households with children are less likely to contribute to the environment. Larger households give less to the environment. Households from the Northeast are the most likely to make environmental contributions while households from the South are the least likely.

Still waiting for Mister Right? Asymmetric information,abortion laws and the timing of marriage

Previous studies have suggested that more liberal abortion laws should lead to a decrease in marriage rates among young women as ‘shotgun weddings’ are no longer necessary. Empirical evidence from the United States lends support to that hypothesis. This article presents an alternative theory of abortion access and marriage based on the cost of search which suggests that more liberal abortion laws may actually promote young marriage. An empirical examination of marriage data from Eastern Europe shows that countries that liberalized their abortion laws saw an increase in marriage rates among nonteenage women.     

Protection and Utilization of Ecotourism Resources at the Estuary of the Yellow River

The Yellow River carries masses of mud eastward into theocean and forms a land in the sea with the sands at thespeed of two to three thousand miles per year.The landextending about8,000square kilometers into the Bohai Seaon north of Shandong province of C…     

Fiscal Reliance on Tariff Revenues: In Search of a Political Economy Explanation?

One "stylized fact" about trade policy is that trade taxes as a proportion of total tax revenue are inversely related to a country's economic development, as in countries with poor administrative capabilities trade taxes represent the easiest way for governments to raise revenue (Administrative Capabilities Hypothesis). In this paper we develop an alternative explanation based on political economy considerations: using data from 64 developing countries from 1982 until 1997 we find that the Administrative Capabilities Hypothesis must be complemented with a political economy explanation in order to be able to provide a better account of the relevant empirical evidence.     

The End of ‘Central Europe’? The Rise of the Radical Right and the Contestation of Identities in Slovakia and the Visegrad Four

ABSTRACT

The article analyses the effects of the migration crisis and the parallel rise of right wing parties on national and regional identities in Slovakia and the broader subregion of the Visegrad Four. It argues that the recent right wing political discourse around migration has been reshaping the meaning of ‘Central Europe’ as a normative project and an identity shared by the V4 countries. The post-Cold War narrative of Central Europe was a story of ‘returning to the West’, which in practice meant that normative conformity with the West was a precondition of membership in key Western institution. The situation has changed visibly after the migrant crisis, as the V4 political elites have now been constructing new identities, in partial juxtaposition with Western European liberalism. These new identities favour a culturalist, conservative interpretation of the nation and reject humanitarian universalism, epitomized by the European Union’s decision to welcome the refugees. This arguably devaluates the previous notion of ‘Central Europe’ as a region that seeks to identify itself firmly with the West. Slovakia is chosen as a case study because of the recent success of the radical right in the 2016 parliamentary elections. The article concludes that although the situation of being structurally locked into the EU does not allow the V4 countries to openly challenge its main principles, the V4 political elites pursue a counter-hegemonic strategy, subverting and resignifying some of its key political notions. One should, therefore, speak not of an end of ‘Central Europe’ but rather of its evolution into a new, hybrid stage, where normative conformity and identification with the West will only be partial. The article makes use of Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of discourse and related concepts as well as insights from constructivist geopolitics literature to track articulatory practices of the regional establishments. The study relies on evidence from recent political campaigning in Slovakia as well as official Visegrad Group documents from 2015 to 2016.     

Does size matter? Implications of household size for economic growth and convergence

We assess the effects of changes in household size on the long‐run evolution of living standards and on cross‐country convergence. When the observed changes in average household size across countries are taken into consideration, growth in living standards is slower throughout the 20th century as compared to a measure based on per capita GDP. Furthermore, the speed of divergence between different countries before 1950 is faster and the speed of convergence after 1950 is slower after adjusting for the evolution in household size.     

Does economic growth benefit the poor? The role of institutions and religions

This paper seeks to explain the difference across countries of the impact of national growth on the growth of the income of the poor. Traditionally, studies attempting to explain such differences investigate only the impact of some additional variables on the income level of the poor. Here, we introduce interaction terms to explain the change in the elasticity of income of the poor to national income. We focus on the role of formal and informal institutions and religions; variables which have rarely been considered in this context. The results show that only formal institutions (i.e., Resistance to corruption) and, to some extent, informal institutions (i.e., Trust all) explain the differences. Religion has no impact. The findings also show that improvements in the Resistance to corruption benefits the extremely poor more than the poor.