打破绿色贸易壁垒积极应对加入世贸挑战

贸易与环境的关系是世界贸易领域的热点问题。WTO倡导贸易自由化,提倡绿色措施,实现可持续发展;但是,它却被“绿色壁垒”人为扭曲。毫不夸张,绿色贸易壁垒已经成为发达国家对付发展中国家贸易政策的部分。通过对“绿色壁垒”的特点与形式的分析,探讨其对我国进出口贸易的影响,并提出相应对策。     

WTO在环境保护中的作用及环境谈判对我国的影响

尽管WTO不是环保组织,但WTO同贸易在三个层次上产生交集。WTO原则和规则对应对气候变化也非常重要。贸易与环境谈判是正在进行的WTO多哈回合多边贸易谈判中的一个重要内容,各成员正致力于削减或取消环保和服务的关税和非关税壁垒。目前关于削减环保产品的关税和非关税壁垒的方法是各方关注和争论的焦点。中国尽管作为发展中国家的一员,但却位列全球环境货物贸易大国之列。这种双重性决定了中国在贸易和环境谈判中的独特立场。     

电信服务贸易自由化的经济效应研究综述

GATS框架下的电信多边谈判使世界电信市场的开放进程有了明确的时间表,它通过督促各国积极实践电信承诺来推进电信服务自由化。电信服务贸易自由化不仅促进各国电信服务的相互渗透,而且有利于电信服务消费者福利的改善。电信市场开放以来取得的巨大成就显示了服务贸易自由化对经济的重要作用。     

Do Trade Agreements Increase Food Trade?

In addition to multilateral trade agreements under the World Trade Organization (WTO), the world has seen a remarkable proliferation of regional trade agreements (RTAs) in the last two decades. This study investigates whether these multilateral and regional trade institutions increase food trade and bring the world into a freer flow of food. The gravity model of international trade is used for the empirical analysis. The model is developed in a large panel data setting and attempted to address some potential problems in the estimations including multilateral trade resistances, zero trade values and endogeneity. The results suggest that both the WTO and RTAs have delivered significant positive effects on trade among the participant countries, but not food. Only RTAs are found to have increased food trade among the participant countries. However, although on average the WTO is found to have negative implications on food trade, it facilitates the developing countries more than the developed countries.     

The WTO,the Environment and Health and Safety Standards

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is a product of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). The WTO was created in the last round of negotiations (Uruguay Round, 1986‐94) to provide a stronger set of institutions to administer the various agreements negotiated under the GATT framework. Because the WTO is more powerful than its predecessors, critics claim that it poses a threat to national sovereignty. Concerns about the ability of nations to set their own environmental and health and safety agendas have figured prominently in these critiques. In addition, critics suggest that the WTO prioritises trade objectives at the expense of environmental and health and safety objectives. The article explores the extent to which the WTO has been able to reconcile trade, environmental and health and safety objectives by analysing its rulings on these matters. Overall, this analysis suggests that the WTO dispute resolution process has balanced all three sets of objectives. However, it is important to note the small number of disputes to date; only 21of the 175 disputes before the WTO involve environmental and health and safety matters. Further, the WTO has issued decisions in only six of these cases.     

WTO贸易可持续发展的缺失与改革

作为管理国际贸易的场所,WTO日益重视贸易、环境与发展问题。在WTO运行实践中,与环境有关的贸易争端不胜枚举。虽然WTO将可持续发展思想确立为其基本宗旨,但多边贸易体系逐渐显示出其局限性。WTO需要改革,以建立起可使贸易与环境社会发展目标相容的具有全球意识的贸易环境规则。从长远看,WTO需要建立一个更加公开、公平、安全、非歧视的平衡贸易与环境发展体系。     

WTO框架下贸易与海洋环境保护的利益分析

随着WTO所规范的国际贸易的发展,以及国际社会对环境问题、尤其是海洋环境的重视,贸易与环境以及海洋环境的关系,日渐成为国际法所关注的领域之一。以利益层次化的分析方法,解读WTO所规范的贸易与海洋环境的关系,以证明WTO对海洋环境的关注是必不可少的。     

对加入WTO后企业实施绿色营销战略的思考

随着世界经济的发展和环境问题日益突出,WTO对贸易和环境问题表现出密切关注。中国加入WTO后,面对绿色贸易壁垒、绿色消费运动及绿色标志认证等国际营销环境的变化,企业应在可持续发展思想指导下实施绿色营销战略,增强企业核心竞争力,实现企业、社会和环境协调发展。     

多边贸易谈判机制的逻辑:一种新贸易理论的解释

按照传统贸易理论的逻辑,在自由贸易最优的世界里,像WTO这样的多边贸易谈判的场所是没有存在的必要,因为各个政府从自身利益出发所做出的决策会自发地导致多边贸易自由化局面的产生。然而现实中的世界并非如此;多边贸易机构不仅存在,而且在国际经济中还发挥着十分重要的作用。目前WTO的存在,促进了自由贸易均衡的实现,而多边贸易协调解决机制保证了各国之间贸易政策博弈中的“冷酷战略”威协的实施,使博弈达到“共赢”的均衡。     

危机“余孽未消”,贸易增长将放缓——世界贸易2010年回顾及2011年展望

根据世界贸易组织(WTO)秘书处最近公布的世界贸易报告概要,世界贸易在经历了2009年高达12.2%的实际降幅(为70多年来最大之降幅)之后,却迎来了2010年高达14.5%的恢复性实际增长,又一举创下多边贸易体制自1950年开始贸易统计以来的最大增幅。对于2011年的世界贸易,WTO预测其增长将放慢至温和但更正常的6.5%,但由于世界金融危机和经济衰退的影响余孽未消,加上近期中东和北非等世界重要石油产区的动荡局势以及东日本大地震的影响,其增长前景尚有诸多不确定性,因此,如总干事拉米所言,"维稳"应成为今年的关键词。2010年,中国依然保持世界商品出口第一和进口第二的位置,并在世界商业服务的进出口中的地位均又有所上升。     

世贸组织中的国际贸易与环境保护:问题与展望

国际贸易与环境保护的关系是近几年来国际经济领域的一个重要问题。论文分析了贸易与环境涉及的主要问题,指出世贸组织这一多边贸易体制处理环境保护问题时存在一定的难度,问题出在世贸组织既定的原则对环境的适用性上面。世贸组织的贸易政策条款需要一定的灵活性以处理环境保护问题,否则环境保护会成为世贸组织的一个不解之题。     

世贸组织成立以来全球贸易救济措施的运用情况与启示

世贸组织并不是完全意义上的“自由贸易”的机构,它允许其成员在特定情况下征收较高关税或采取其它形式的保护措施,使成员进行开放、公平、无扭曲的竞争。由此可确定“入世”后的我国,应是市场开放和维护市场秩序并行不悖。本文在介绍和总结世贸组织成立以来全球贸易救济措施运用情况的基础上,指出我国在运用贸易救济措施保护国内产业时,应优先选择反倾销措施。     

Multilateralising Regionalism: Spaghetti Bowls as Building Blocs on the Path to Global Free Trade

This paper addresses the final steps to global free trade – what they might look like, what sort of political economy forces might drive them, and what the WTO might do to help. Two facts form the point of departure: (1) Regionalism is here to stay; world trade is regulated by a motley assortment of unilateral, bilateral and multilateral trade agreements; (2) this motley assortment is not the best way to organise world trade. Moving to global duty‐free trade will require a multilateralisation of regionalism. This paper presents the political economy logic of trade liberalisation and uses it to structure a narrative of world trade liberalisation since 1947. The logic is then used to project the world tariff map in 2010, arguing that the pattern will be marked by fractals – fuzzy, leaky trade blocs made up of fuzzy, leaky sub‐blocs (fuzzy since the proliferation of FTAs makes it impossible to draw sharp lines around the Big‐3 trade blocs, and leaky since some FTAs create free trade ‘canals’ linking the Big‐3 blocs). The paper then presents a novel political economy mechanism – spaghetti bowls as building blocs – whereby offshoring creates a force that encourages the multilateralisation of regionalism. Finally, the paper suggests three things the WTO might do to help multilateralise regionalism.     

重创后的复苏——世界贸易2009年回顾及2010年展望

根据世界贸易组织(WTO)秘书处最近公布的世界贸易报告概要,由于受世界金融危机和经济衰退的影响,2009年,世界贸易总量经历了70多年来最大的下降,实际降幅达到12.2%,名义降幅则更是高达23%。而2010年世界贸易则有望实际增长9.5%,其中,发达国家的商品出口可能增长7.5%,发展中国家可能增长11%。2009年,中国商品出口尽管也遭遇-16%挫折,但首次取代德国成为世界最大出口国,而进口则独一无二地没有下降,甚至实际上还有小幅增长,中国在世界商品和商业服务的进出口地位均有所上升。不过,世界贸易要真正实现恢复性增长,不仅有赖于世界经济的恢复性增长,还需要借助于WTO多边贸易体制有效抵制贸易保护主义的压力。     

我国对外贸易政策与环境政策的协调——基于世贸组织规则的研究

贸易与环境之间的影响及协调问题,为国际社会所关注,并已成为世贸组织多边谈判的主要议题。作为世贸组织成员国,我国在对外贸易和环境保护方面已经取得了很大的成就,但二者在政策之间还缺乏进一步的协调与联系。因此,设立专门协调机构,以世贸组织有关贸易与环境规则为依据,进一步完善对外贸易政策,加强环境保护方面的立法,强化环境国际标准的管理并积极参与国际贸易和环境保护方面的国际合作,是协调我国对外贸易政策与环境政策的有效途径。     

The WTO promotes trade, strongly but unevenly

This paper furnishes robust evidence that the WTO has had a strong positive impact on trade, amounting to about 120% of additional world trade (or US$ 8 trillion in 2000 alone). The impact has, however, been uneven. This, in many ways, is consistent with theoretical models of the GATT/WTO. The theory suggests that the impact of a country's membership in the GATT/WTO depends on what the country does with its membership, with whom it negotiates, and which products the negotiation covers. Using a properly specified gravity model, we find evidence broadly consistent with these predictions. First, industrial countries that participated more actively than developing countries in reciprocal trade negotiations witnessed a large increase in trade. Second, bilateral trade was greater when both partners undertook liberalization than when only one partner did. Third, sectors that did not witness liberalization did not see an increase in trade.     

世贸组织框架下贸易规则与环保条款的协调及困境

目标和价值的不同、环境问题的外部性和环保条款本身的含糊性是贸易规则与环保条款冲突的原因。应通过可持续发展观、环境成本内在化、加强国际合作和统一规制来协调贸易规则与环保条款的关系。但也存在一些超越世贸组织协调机制之外的困境。     

中美欧贸易报复制度的比较研究

WTO体制下,贸易报复是争端解决的最后保障,但WTO争端机制旨在解决成员之间的争端,因此,要赋予私人请求本国政府对另一国家进行贸易报复的权利,仍然需要国内立法.目前,各主要大国都通过国内立法赋予本国国民权利,以请求本国政府对另一国家进行贸易报复,为争端解决的国内程序和国际程序的衔接提供了基础,使得本国国民可以通过国内程序启动WTO的争端解决程序.与美欧相比,我国关于贸易报复的立法和实践经验均不甚丰富,确实需要借鉴较为完备的美欧立法,完善我国的有关法律制度.     

Modelling the Extensive Margin of World Trade: New Evidence on GATT and WTO Membership

Recent literature has argued that, contrary to the results of a seminal paper by Rose (2004), General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO) membership does promote bilateral trade, at least for developed economies and if membership includes non‐formal compliance. We review the literature to identify open issues. We then develop a simple extension of the gravity model that gives rise to an extensive country margin of trade separating positive trade from zero trade country pairs. The model is used to identify WTO membership effects at both the intensive and the extensive margins. Empirical estimation of this model, based on Poisson pseudo‐maximum likelihood methods with exporter and importer fixed effects, allows us to readdress the empirical issue of whether GATT/WTO membership does or does not promote trade. We find that GATT membership was successful on the extensive margin of world trade but not on the intensive margin. For the recent WTO episode (1995–2008), we find consistent and robust evidence for a substantial trade‐creating role of membership which is driven primarily by the intensive margin. WTO membership results in higher bilateral trade of about 40 per cent.     

Trade skirmishes safeguards: A theory of the WTO dispute settlement process

I propose a framework within which to interpret and evaluate the major reforms introduced to the GATT system in its transition to the WTO. In particular, I examine the WTO Agreement on Safeguards that has amended the GATT escape clause (Article XIX), and the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) that resembles a court of law under the WTO. Using this framework, I interpret the weakening of the reciprocity principle under the Agreement on Safeguards as an attempt to reduce efficiency-reducing trade skirmishes. The DSB is interpreted as an impartial arbitrator that announces its opinion about the state of the world when a dispute arises among member countries. I demonstrate that the reforms in the GATT escape clause should be bundled with the introduction of the DSB, in order to maintain the incentive compatibility of trade agreements. The model implies that trade agreements under the WTO lead to fewer trade skirmishes but this effect does not necessarily result in higher payoffs to the governments. The model also implies that the introduction of the WTO court, which has no enforcement power, can improve the self-enforceability of trade agreements.