The legacy of slavery on hate crime in the United States

Does slavery play a role in explaining why some areas are more prone to hate crimes? Using county-level data on slavery in 1860, I find evidence that U.S. counties with a higher share of slaves in the population more than 150 years ago are more likely to observe hate crime incidents today. One percentage point increase in the share of slaves in the population in 1860 is associated with 0.018 more hate crime incidents per 100,000 population directed at blacks today. Additionally, there is evidence that slavery is associated with more hate crime incidents directed towards Jews and LGBT population. This result supports previous studies which find persistence in cultural norms and racial attitudes.     

The relative efficiency of slave agriculture: a comment

In their book Time on the Cross, Fogel and Engerman (FE) present evidence that average factor productivity was greater for larger Southern slave farms in 1860 than for both free farms and smaller slave farms. In a recent article, Field (1988) lends support to the FE theory by finding that an upward shift in the production function occurs for slave farms at 15 slaves, the size at which FE propose that gang labour became feasible. In a more recent article, Grabowski and Pasurka (GP) contradict both FE and Field by finding that there was no relationship between the size of slave farms and their efficiency. The present paper extends both GP's and Field's work and refines a point made by FE. We distinguish between a technological advantage due to the gang labour system and revenue inefficiency due both to the incentive structure of slavery and the repugnance of gang labour, two factors which foster rational shirking and resistance by slaves. That is, we propose that relative to small slave farms, large slave farms may have enjoyed a higher revenue frontier but that actual output and revenue fell farther below their frontier. Our construction is consistent with the historical view that emphasizes the harshness of slavery, the repugnance of the gang labour system, and the rational resisting behaviour of the slaves. We test this hypothesis with the stochastic frontier function approach as did GP. However, our findings contradict them. We find, consistent with both FE and Field, that large slave farms exhibited superior technology over small farms. More importantly, we find empirical confirmation of our theory that large slave farms suffered greater revenue inefficiency than smaller slave farms.     

SLAVERY,FREEDOM, AND SEN

Amartya Sen's Development as Freedom argues that the ability to make choices is fundamental to economic development, and that the evaluation of outcomes can provide misleading answers. He uses the example of the high material consumption of US slaves relative to some free whites to illustrate this contrast. This paper discusses some of the implications of such comparisons and the problem of evaluating what might be regarded as favorable outcomes which come from unfavorable institutions (e.g., slavery). It appears that all good things do not necessarily go together. The past relation of enslavement to the need for subsistence is discussed. Differences in gender roles under slavery and after emancipation are also examined.     

Droughts,conflict, and the African slave trade

Historians have frequently suggested that droughts helped facilitate the African slave trade. By introducing a previously unused dataset on 19th century rainfall levels in Africa, I provide the first empirical examination of this hypothesis. I find a strong negative relationship between rainfall shocks and the number of slaves exported from a given region. I also find that extreme temperature shocks in either direction increase slave exports. Building on the detailed qualitative work of Dias (1981), Miller (1982), and others, I provide quantitative evidence for interethnic group conflict and more localized forms of violence being likely mechanisms through which these additional slaves were acquired. These results contribute to our understanding of the underlying economic conditions of the African slave trade.     

RACIAL BELIEFS,LOCATION, AND THE CAUSES OF CRIME*

This article provides a unified explanation for why blacks commit more crime, are located in poorer neighborhoods, and receive lower wages than whites. If everybody believes that blacks are more criminal than whites—even if there is no basis for this—then blacks are offered lower wages and, as a result, locate further away from jobs. Distant residence increases even more the black–white wage gap because of more tiredness and higher commuting costs. Blacks have thus a lower opportunity cost of committing crime and become indeed more criminal than whites. Therefore, beliefs are self‐fulfilling.     

EMPLOYMENT, CRIME, AND RACE

This study examines the relationship between the employability and the criminality of white and black male teenagers. We find that among black teenagers, the employed engage in fewer criminal activities than do the unemployed. Thus, blacks apparently view employment and crime as alternative income-generating activities. On the other hand, employment status seems not to affect the criminal behavior of white male teenagers. Our evidence indicates that in the group studied, whites tend to use employment as a cover for crime or to moonlight in crime. Different legitimate opportunity structures for whites and blacks can explain, in part, the behavioral differences of whites and blacks. One more important policy implication is that job opportunities targeted to high-risk black teenage populations have the additional beneficial effect of reducing crime rates.     

“This One Is 400 Libyan Dinars,This One Is 500”: Insights from Cognitive Human Capital and Slave Trade

One of the most disturbing contemporary episodes in human history that has been decried globally is the recent Libyan experience of slave trade, where migrants captured end-up being sold as slaves. We contribute to the understanding of this phenomenon by investigating the role of cognitive human capital on slave trade. To this end, we use the historic intelligence and slave trade variables, respectively, as the independent and outcome variables of interest. Our findings show a negative relationship between slave trade and cognitive human capital. Hence, the slave trade is more apparent when cognitive human capital is low. The Ordinary Least Squares findings are robust to the control for outliers, uncertainty about the model and Tobit regressions. We substantiate why from the perspective of massive sensitization and education, the non-contemporary relationship between cognitive ability and slave trade established in this study has contemporary practical policy relevance in efforts to stem the tide of clandestine travel to Europe through countries in which clandestine migrants are captured and sold as slaves.     

HOME OWNERSHIP AND THE WEALTH POSITION OF BLACK AND WHITE AMERICANS*

This paper examines the wealth position of blacks relative to whites, on the basis of data in the Survey of Economic Opportunity. The analysis indicates that at the same levels of both income and wealth blacks consistently invest more in consumer durables, especially housing, than do whites. The paper then explores possible explanations for this finding, suggesting that these investment differences are not solely due to the income and wealth position of blacks, but may be due to a smaller set of investment opportunities institutionally fostered by discriminatory forces.     

Equilibrium Search Models and the Transition From School To Work

This paper applies the Burdett–Mortensen (1998) equilibrium search model to study the school to work transitions of U.S. high school graduates. We consider the case of discrete firm heterogeneity and provide a computational method to obtain the MLE. Our results show that unemployed blacks receive fewer offers than whites and employed blacks are more likely to lose their jobs. Importantly, employed blacks and whites receive job offers at the same rate. Assigning the whites' search parameters to the blacks and re-solving reveals that 75 percent of the observed wage differential is explained by the job destruction rate differences.     

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF LEGAL SEGREGATION: JIM CROW AND RACIAL EMPLOYMENT PATTERNS

Legal segregation was a fact of life for blacks in the American South during the first half of the present century. These laws are sometimes compared to South African apartheid . However, there seems to be one important difference: Jim Crow, unlike apartheid , did not directly hamper the ability of blacks to compete with whites in labor markets. Our paper explores this problem. We report evidence which suggests that, in spite of the absence of direct labor market restrictions confronting blacks subject to Jim Crow, these laws nevertheless reduced the ability of blacks to compete with whites for jobs.     

A comparative study of slave societies

This essay focuses both on theoretical issues and empirical evidence concerning the inevitability of slavery as an economic stage over the course of development. Different types of slavery are described and a number of common hypotheses about the determinants of slave societies and/or slavery are discussed. Several new hypotheses are also proposed which focus upon family and social-structural variables and also upon political factors. The major hypotheses are tested, using a worldwide sample of 60 primitive and peasant societies arranged according to level of economic development. The various older theories are found to explain poorly the presence of slavery while the data give some support to the newly proposed causal relationships.     

Occupational segregation by race in South Africa after apartheid

This paper investigates progress in reducing the high level of racial stratification of occupations after apartheid in South Africa. Empirical analysis, using census microdata and Labour Force Surveys, does not provide compelling evidence of sustained or significant desegregation. Occupations remain highly segmented by race, with blacks disproportionally holding low‐paying jobs (compared with whites), although segregation and segmentation also affect in a different way the other population groups (Indians/Asians and Coloureds). Less than a third of the occupational segregation and about half of the segmentation of Africans (with respect to whites) are related to their characteristics, especially their lower educational achievement, a gap that has been reduced over time. Segregation and stratification, however, remain when blacks and whites with similar characteristics are compared.     

ETHNIC AND GENDER DIFFERENCES IN INTERGENERATIONAL MOBILITY: A STUDY OF 26-YEAR-OLDS IN THE USA

This paper uses the traditional income framework and a non‐monetary framework to estimate intergenerational mobility in economic status for a sample of 26‐year‐old whites, blacks and Hispanics in the USA using data from the first and fifth sweeps of the National Educational Longitudinal Study (1988 and 2000). Intergenerational income mobility is found to be greater for males than for females, although there are differences between whites, blacks and Hispanics. Transition probabilities indicate that Hispanics are the most upwardly mobile in terms of educational attainment and occupational status. Ordered logits are used to estimate the impact of parental education and occupation on educational and occupational outcomes.     

Crime and segregation

Metropolitan areas in the United States are characterized by both geographic concentration in robbery rates, and racial segregation in residential patterns. We argue that these two phenomena are closely connected. Robberies typically involve incomplete information about the likelihood of victim resistance and offender violence. Geographic concentration in robbery rates can lead to segregation (in excess of levels that would emerge under neighborhood sorting by income) because robbers prey disproportionately on whites, believing them to be more compliant, and whites protect themselves by moving disproportionately to safer neighborhoods. Hence, conditional on income, blacks live in more dangerous neighborhoods than whites.     

Discrimination and the unemployment durations of white and black males

In this study we develop a model to decompose the longer unemployment duration of blacks into discriminatory and non-discriminatory components. By extending Becker's theory of discrimination to job-search theory, the discriminatory component is seen to be the result of two separate effects. First, a white treatment advantage shortens the unemployment duration of whites because they receive more frequent and higher wage offers than would prevail in the absence of discrimination for working alongside blacks. Second, a black treatment disadvantage lengthens the jobless spell of blacks because blacks receive lower wage offers than would prevail without discrimination as discriminating employers extract quasi-rents from their labour. We estimate our model using date from the CPS Displaced Workers Survey. The results show that 3.81 of the 4.58 weeks longer unemployment spell for blacks is due to discrimination, with 3.11 weeks resulting from the white treatment advantage, and 0.7 weeks emanating from the black treatment disadvantage.     

Asymmetric Information and Adverse Selection in Mauritian Slave Auctions

Information asymmetry is a necessary prerequisite for testing adverse selection. This paper applies this sequence of tests to Mauritian slave auctions. The theory of dynamic auctions with private and common values suggests that when an informed participant is known to be active, uninformed bidders will be more aggressive and the selling price will be higher. We conjecture that observable family links between buyer and seller entailed superior information and find a strong price premium when a related buyer purchased a slave, indicative of information asymmetry. We then test for adverse selection using sale motivation. Our results indicate large discounts on voluntary as compared to involuntary sales. Consistent with adverse selection, the market anticipated that predominantly low-productivity slaves would be brought to the market in voluntary sales.     

Race,Gender, and Familial Status: Discrimination in One US Mortgage Lending Market

This paper, using data from the 1992 Boston Federal Reserve study of mortgage lending, reports preliminary evidence of patterns of gender and familial status discrimination that differ markedly by race in the US. White couples with children experienced familial status discrimination if the female partner was in the labor market, but not if she was at home raising her children. However, African-American or Hispanic couples with children suffered familial status discrimination if she stayed home to raise her children, but much less so, if at all, if she was in the labor market. This pattern of racial differentiation may reflect social norms dating back to slavery that have favored labor force participation for African-American and Hispanic mothers but not white mothers. On the other hand, it was true across racial groups that single women, more than single men, were disadvantaged in the mortgage market by children.     

Regulating Slavery: Deck-Stacking and Credible Commitment in the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850

In 1850, Congress delegated federal judicial powers to a newbureaucracy that was devoted to capturing escaped slaves infree states and returning them to their owners. The FugitiveSlave Act was an attempt to enhance the credibility of a commitmentmade in the Constitution's Article IV 2, which had gone unenforcedfor more than half a century. This article demonstrates howCongress engaged in deck-stacking, engineering the administrativestructure and judicial procedures of the fugitive slave renditionprocess in ways that favored slave-holding interests. Analysisof votes by members of Congress on final passage of the actand amendments to the act demonstrate the political influenceson choices of process. I demonstrate that regional (free versusslave state), partisan (Whig versus Democrat), and electoral(Free Soil party support) calculations all play a role in determiningthe likelihood of a legislator voting for the antislavery position.Moreover, political conflict was muted when amendments dealtmainly with structural issues, but was amplified when the amendment'scontent was procedural.     

LABOUR FORCE PARTICIPATION, RACE AND HUMAN CAPITAL: INFLUENCE ON EARNINGS DISTRIBUTIONS ACROSS STATES

In this paper we analyze the level of income inequality across states in 1970 and 1980 for several demographic groups. Furthermore, we examine the impact of labor force participation (LFP), education and other variables on inequality. We find that for tshe whole population, states with high LFP by females are states with low income inequality. The same holds true for states with high LFP for men. When we disaggregate by race, the results are quite consistent for whites, but not for blacks. States with relatively high education levels are associated with high inequality levels for the white cohort and the whole population, but there appears to be no similar association between education and inequality across states for blacks.     

State dependence,serial correlation and heterogeneity in the union membership dynamics

In order to distinguish the true and spurious state dependence from the complicated dynamics of union membership, the simulation estimators incorporating the lagged dependent variables, unobserved individual heterogeneity and correlations among the errors are implemented in this article to study union membership dynamics. It is found that the true state dependence of union membership under multivariate t assumption is much higher than the standard dynamic panel probit estimators which are under multivariate normal assumptions. On the other hand, the spurious state dependence (the variance of the unobserved individual heterogeneity) is estimated to be higher when using the standard dynamic panel probit estimators than under multivariate t assumption. Moreover, blacks and married men are found to have higher union membership true state dependence than whites and unmarried men.