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所有制改革为中国对外直接投资(OFDI)提供了制度保证,是经济转型过程中促进中国OFDI扩张的一种机制。文章采用2003~2014年187个中国对外直接投资国(地区)的跨国数据,实证研究了所有制改革及其引起的对外直接投资主体多元化对中国OFDI的影响效应。在控制了市场寻求、资源寻求与技术寻求动机以及东道国市场风险和人民币汇率等影响因素后,实证结果表明:所有制改革对OFDI具有显著的正向影响;在对外直接投资主体多元化方面,有限责任公司投资主体占比的增加对OFDI具有显著的正向影响,国有企业与集体企业投资主体占比的增加对OFDI具有显著的负向影响,股份有限公司、股份合作企业、外商投资企业和私营企业投资主体占比的增加对OFDI的影响效应不显著或具有负向影响;进一步考虑东道国异质性的研究发现,金融危机前所有制改革与对外直接投资主体多元化对中国OFDI的影响在发达国家和发展中国家或欠发达国家之间是有差异的,而金融危机后对中国OFDI的影响差异不明显。 相似文献
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以“一带一路”沿线国家为研究样本,构建对外直接投资对价值链升级的理论模型,使用2000-2016 年的国别数据,通过动态面板实证研究了OFDI 对母国制造业价值链地位的影响。结果表明:OFDI 对母国制造业价值链提升具有显著的正向影响,影响机制主要有专业分工效应、逆向技术溢出效应和市场规模扩大效应。中国对“一带一路”沿线国家的直接投资有利于提升自身价值链地位。中国对中南半岛和孟中印缅经济走廊、中巴和中国- 中亚- 西亚经济走廊沿线国家的直接投资主要通过专业分工效应来提升价值链地位,对中蒙俄和新亚欧大陆桥经济走廊沿线国家的直接投资主要通过逆向技术溢出效应和市场规模扩大效应来提升价值链地位。 相似文献
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在中国对外直接投资区位选择的研究中,关于制度环境质量的影响力是一个重要分支。基于2005—2017年中国对“一带一路”亚洲19个主要国家的直接投资数据,通过制度、环境、质量3个纬度的分析发现:整体上中国在“一带一路”亚洲国家的对外直接投资(OFDI)中既不呈现制度风险偏好倾向,也无制度接近的特征;较大规模的OFDI明显对两国制度环境波动的差距更加敏感,而投资东道国的融资便利是吸引较大规模OFDI流入的显著影响因素;较小规模的OFDI会更偏向于市场规模大、经济增速缓慢、资源充裕的国家。 相似文献
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近年来,我国的对外直接投资活动(OFDI)迅速增长,促进我国经济发展的同时也对国内各个方面产生了影响,特别是就业方面。文章在前人研究的基础上,从另外一个角度,即不同投资目的地的角度分析对外直接投资对我国国内可能产生的影响。结果表明,在亚洲、拉丁美洲和欧洲的对外直接投资促进了国内的就业,而在非洲、北美洲和大洋洲的对外直接投资抑制了国内的就业。 相似文献
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在新冠疫情持续和贸易保护主义抬头的双重背景下,全面深化国有企业混合所有制改革(简称“国企混改”)对稳定和发展出口市场具有重要战略意义。与既有研究普遍关注“国企混改”对国有企业的影响不同,文章为了廓清私营企业缘何参与“国企混改”,基于2020年两万余家中国私营企业调查数据,首次考察了参与混合所有制改革(简称“混改参与”)对私营企业出口行为的影响。研究发现,“混改参与”显著扩大了企业出口规模,提升了企业出口倾向,对生产率较低、政治地位评价较低和非高新技术的企业,出口效应尤为显著。机制证据表明,“混改参与”使私营企业建立了与国有企业的政治关联,纾解了融资困境,增加了政府补贴,扩大了投资能力,进而促进了出口市场发展。文章结论不仅拓展了“国企混改”的经济效应,而且揭示了私营企业“混改参与”的经济动机。 相似文献
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本文运用时变随机前沿的引力模型,实证分析了2010-2017年"一带一路"沿线54个国家的投资便利化对中国OFDI效率的影响,并测度了中国对"一带一路"沿线54个国家的OFDI效率.研究发现沿线国家的投资便利化水平具有显著差异和地域分布不平衡特征.东道国的政府监管现状和金融发展程度对中国对外直接投资效率具有正向作用,基... 相似文献
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党的十六大报告提出,国有企业改革是城市经济体制改革的中心环节。要进一步探索公有制特别是国有制的多种有效实现形式,大力推进企业的体制、技术和管理创新。除极少数必须由国家独资经营的企业外,积极推行股份制,发展混合所有制经济,实行投资主体多元化。 相似文献
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中国的"引进来"和"走出去"是发展失衡还是渐趋平衡?本文从投资规模、投资产业、投资形式和投资政策四个方面进行了分析。 相似文献
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对外直接投资(OFDI)是中国完善开放型经济体系的重要组成部分,而发展中国家是中国企业在未来几十年"走出去"过程中大有可为的地区。因此,制定完善、合理的政策体系引导和扶持中国企业针对发展中国家和地区属性进行海外直接投资十分必要。本文研究了中国对发展中国家和地区OFDI政策的基本特征,进而从政策总体路线、境外经贸合作区战略、FTA战略和对外援助战略等四个层面分别提出了政策建议。 相似文献
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Using census data gathered in 2001, the present paper examines how legal traditions influence foreign investors’ choice of ownership modes in China. The study finds that, first, investors from economies sharing the same legal origin with China tend to select ownership modes with a relatively high level of foreign control. That is, such foreign direct investment (FDI) firms are more likely to be wholly owned enterprises or joint ventures with relatively large foreign shares. Second, similarities in legal enforcement between China and the home economies correlate positively with high foreign control. Third, the effects of legal traditions on ownership modes are relatively weak for new entrants compared to their forerunners, probably owing to the continuous improvement in China's business and law institutions. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTThis study examines whether foreign equity investment promotes domestic firms’ innovation activities. Using panel data on the Korean firms during the 1999–2013 period, we find that foreign ownership has a positive effect on firms’ innovation activities. Furthermore, we also show that, as compared to non-chaebol firms, chaebol firms’ innovation activity becomes much greater with the increase of foreign ownership. Finally, we investigate industry-level spillover effects of innovation. Specifically, we find that foreign ownership promotes innovation activities via forward linkage, the effect of which is also more pronounced in chaebol firms. 相似文献
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外资所有权与工资升水——来自中国制造业的证据 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
很多研究发现外商投资企业比内资企业对同等情况下的工人所付工资要高,本文利用中国省际制造业分大类数据对此进行了实证研究,研究的结果表明,在控制了各种对工资影响因素(产业、地区、企业、工人素质)后,外资所有权工资升水显著存在,大约为10%。同时还对平均薪酬进行了研究,外资所有权薪酬升水大约为7%。此外,本文还得出了其他一些有意义的结论。 相似文献
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Using data for manufacturing firms listed on the Chinese A-shares market over the 2000−16 period, this paper studies the impact of outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) on stock returns using the propensity score matching. It shows that when firms carry out OFDI for the first time, they have to deal with the risks of the overseas market; therefore, the OFDI firms show significantly higher returns. Furthermore, OFDI affects stock returns through the risk channel rather than the diversification channel; the risks OFDI firms are exposed to are mainly demand and political risks. OFDI firms face different risks than non-OFDI firms, thus investors can obtain diversification benefits by purchasing stocks of OFDI firms. In addition, investors can make diversified investments based on the seven dimensions of the nature of firms and OFDI to increase the opportunity to obtain stock returns. For firms, they can conduct on-site inspections before conducting OFDI, becoming familiar with the host country market, laws and regulations. Firms should try to choose politically and economically stable countries to invest in. 相似文献
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We employ a new classification of ownership identity to analyze the impact of ownership structure on enterprise performance in China. Using both fixed effects model and Generalized Methods of Moments (GMM), this study finds that marketized state-owned enterprises outperform firms controlled by the government, indicating that partial privatization of state-owned Chinese firms improves corporate governance. Non-controlling large shareholders of marketized state-owned enterprises and private enterprises are found to play active roles in corporate governance. Lastly, there is evidence that ownership concentration of a controlling shareholder decreases the incentives to expropriate minority shareholders. 相似文献
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Based on an exogenous quasi-natural experiment, combined with administrative data from International Trade Statistics and the China Global Investment Tracker database, this study uses a difference-in-differences approach to examine whether the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) can help alleviate the negative effect of political risks in host countries on Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI). The empirical findings are as follows. a) When controlling for firm-level and country-level variables and various fixed effects, high-level international political cooperation under the BRI can considerably increase Chinese OFDI. b) Political risks in host countries significantly reduce Chinese investment and increase losses, and the BRI mainly stimulates investment through mechanisms that seek to reduce policy uncertainty and political risks in host countries for Chinese firms. c) By further considering the gain (or loss) status of Chinese investment projects, the study shows that the BRI has a limited role in reducing investment losses. The study also performs a series of robustness tests to eliminate the influence of firm heterogeneity, informal political interference, and random effects. The overall results are consistent with those of the quasi-experiment. 相似文献
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中国对东盟直接投资影响因素的实证分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文在中国-东盟自由贸易区正式建成的背景下,利用2005-2008年我国对东盟十国投资的面板数据,运用可行的广义最小二乘法(FGLS)对我国对东盟直接投资影响因素进行了计量分析,并与已有的研究成果进行比较。结果显示,我国对东盟直接投资与东道国GDP、东道国通信基础设施环境呈正相关,同我国对东道国出口、东道国货币汇率和东道国失业率呈负相关。这说明我国对东盟的直接投资主要以市场导向型为主,市场规模以及投资环境的稳定性是决定我国对其投资的主要原因。 相似文献
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This study exploits two institutional features of China to test the causal link between tax and capital structure. First, the central government exclusively determines the corporate tax rate in China, which results in changes in corporate income tax rates across different Chinese public firms over the period of 2000–2011. Such mandatory tax shifts provide a quasi-natural experimental setting for our difference-in-differences analysis investigating the impact of tax on leverage. We find evidence supporting the dynamic trade-off theory, namely that firms are unresponsive to tax cuts but increase long-term leverage when taxes rise (particularly those in low statutory tax regimes). Second, governmental intervention in capital allocation is common in China such that political connections are usually regarded as an asset for firms in accessing bank loans. Using anti-corruption events as shocks to the value of political connections over the sample period, our research is the first study to show that political connections become a liability that enables banks to recall loans from affected firms during the anti-corruption campaign periods. This change overturns the typical tax-leverage relationship observed, as we find anti-corruption affected firms reduce long-term leverage when taxes are cut and they become insensitive to tax increases. Our results reveal the importance of political ties in explaining how firms adjust their capital structure to tax changes, which is extremely relevant to policy makers and regulators when monitoring bank loan markets. 相似文献