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1.
Charles J. Latos 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1982,11(4):413-427
Summary and Conclusions The immediately preceeding analysis has examined, in a dynamic context, racial interaction in an occupationally specified
employment growth process. We exhibited a demand theoretic model which states that non-whites may register employment gains
in low-skilled occupations in a given area as a result of the growth of total demand for labor in low-skilled occupations
relative to the available supply of white labor for such occupations. Discrimination operative at the point of job entry is
reduced if a deficiency of white labor tends to raise the cost of such discrimination for profit-maximizing white employers. 相似文献
2.
M. V. Lee Badgett 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1994,22(3):55-75
This article analyzes the effects of changes in flows into and out of unemployment on the growing gap between black and white
unemployment rates in the 1970s and 1980s. Current Population Survey data show that black workers’ unemployment inflows increased,
suggesting that job instability increased. Declining employment opportunities were also implicated, as black workers left
unemployment for a job less often in 1987 than in 1971. White women’s situation improved considerably, with lower inflows
and higher employment probabilities. Although the effects of declining federal equal employment opportunity (EEO) pressure
cannot be detected, these findings are consistent with increasing racial discrimination. 相似文献
3.
Customer discrimination may result in racial differences in the marginal revenue products generated by workers. College basketball
data allow for direct comparisons of the racial differences in the marginal revenues generated by players. This article compares
the revenue generating potential of the top black and white college basketball players. A highly skilled white college player
generates over $100,000 in per game revenues as compared to around $30,000 for a black player of equal talent, providing a
strong incentive for colleges to discriminate against recruiting black student-athletes. 相似文献
4.
This paper examines inequalities between white and black and brown populations in Brazil within occupations that require university degree. The main result confirms that once reached the university degree, blacks/brown usually obtain smaller but comparable income to that of whites. Although some racial discrimination in labor market may exist, such result corroborates other studies that identify schooling differentials as the main reason for the high income inequality found in Brazil. 相似文献
5.
Fadwah Fredericks 《Development Southern Africa》2018,35(4):527-553
This study examines employment discrimination by race and gender in 1997–2016 by employing a sample that represents the labour force (excluding informal sector workers, agricultural workers, domestic workers, self-employed and employers) aged between 15 and 65 years. Probit models are conducted to estimate labour force participation, employment and occupational attainment likelihoods. This is followed by the Oaxaca–Blinder decomposition, and the results indicate that the unexplained component of the white–African employment probability gap reveals a downward trend in absolute terms in 2002–2014, but in relative terms it still accounts for about 50% of the gap in 2016. The unexplained component is most dominant in the male–female employment gap decomposition. While these results suggest that employment discrimination (unexplained component) against Africans and females remains serious, the improvement of education and skills level of the workseekers (explained component) from the previously disadvantaged groups remain crucial to improve their employment prospects. 相似文献
6.
Niki Dickerson von Lockette William E. Spriggs 《The Review of Black Political Economy》2016,43(1):35-56
We assess whether occupational segregation in metropolitan labor markets is associated with the wages of, and contributes to racial/ethnic wage disparities among, less-educated men. To measure occupational segregation in metropolitan low wage markets, we create a segregation index measuring segregation between white, black, and Latino male high school-only educated workers and high school dropouts in 95 metropolitan labor markets utilizing a unique dataset of the structural characteristics of the ninety-five largest US metropolitan labor markets. We use regression, fixed effects, and generalized least squares estimation techniques to test whether this index is associated with wages and racial wage inequality among these men. The analyses reveal that in metropolitan labor markets characterized by more racial and ethnic segmentation in the low wage market, wages are lower among black and Latino men in particular, and racial-ethnic wage disparities among similarly less-educated white, black, and Latino men are higher. 相似文献
7.
This article finds that African American and Latino workers have borne a disproportionate share of employment costs associated
with defense cuts in California’s aerospace industry. The data for this analysis come from administrative files, which contain
demographic and employment-related information for everyone who collects unemployment-insurance benefits. The analysis shows
that African Americans suffered higher displacement rates, longer unemployment spells, and poorer outcomes in new jobs than
whites. Latinos were disadvantaged in several ways, but not consistently in all categories. Asian Americans, on the other
hand, generally fared better than whites. These results show that economic dislocation, in the form of defense cuts, reinforces
racial inequality in the labor market. 相似文献
8.
Stephen J DeCanio 《Explorations in Economic History》1979,16(2):182-206
Economic inequality between blacks and whites in the postbellum South can be attributed to two factors: racial discrimination and the absence of any redistribution of tangible wealth to accompany emancipation. This paper shows that the freedmen's initial lack of property was the most important cause of race-related income differences. The initial wealth gap between the freedmen and the whites was large enough to guarantee that a great deal of income inequality would have persisted long after emancipation, even if all markets had functioned perfectly. In addition, the actual rate at which the economic distance between blacks and whites was being reduced suggests the existence of forces which lengthened the time required to eradicate the effects of the initial wealth inequality. 相似文献
9.
构建城乡劳动者平等就业制度,是贯彻落实科学发展观、建设社会主义和谐社会的必然要求,是统筹城乡发展中的一项重要制度创新。要从根本上解决城乡劳动者就业不平等问题,就必须从制度层面着手,彻底打破城乡分割的不平等就业制度,加快构建和形成城乡一体化的就业统计制度、就业政策体系、就业服务体系、就业援助制度、劳动者权益保护以及公共服务和社会保障制度,促进经济社会有序和谐发展。 相似文献
10.
珠三角与长三角农民工供给短缺的差异性——基于户籍制度压制的分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
传统的就业歧视理论往往忽略歧视形成中的非制度因素。文章结合农民工就业机会、就业待遇和就业保障等问题,从户籍制度的角度分析了农民工在进城务工中所受歧视的制度性根源,指出投资地区热点的转换并不是引起珠三角地区农民工用工短缺的真正原因,户籍制度造成的就业歧视和工资差异才是该地区民工荒形成的背后力量。 相似文献
11.
Retirement of Older Workers and Employment of the Young 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Policy makers have often argued that an additional benefit of facilitating early retirement is that it creates employment
for the young. This may happen if older and younger workers are substitutes. Nowadays policies are aimed at increasing employment
of older people to counter the economic consequences of an aging population. Opponents of such policies argue that these will
adversely affect youth employment. This paper revisits the nexus between employment of older and younger workers, if only
to put any concerns for adverse effects of later retirement on youth employment to rest. To empirically investigate this issue
we estimate a dynamic model of employment of the young, prime age and old people using panel data of 22 OECD countries over
the time period 1960–2008. Our empirical analysis does not support the hypothesis that employment of the young and old are
substitutes and finds some minor complementarities. This suggests that encouraging later retirement will have no adverse effect
on youth employment. 相似文献
12.
Paul W. Grimes 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1987,15(4):79-88
Recent empirical analysis of state right-to-work legislation indicates that a negative wage effect may result as a consequence
of banning union shop contracts. It has been previously shown that industrial unionism tends to improve the relative wage
position of black workers. Thus, it is hypothesized that if state right-to-work laws weaken the economic power of unions to
raise wages, black workers will experience a disproportionate decline in their relative wage position. Black workers in right-to-work
states would therefore experience a reduction in their relative economic position unless a strong positive relative employment
effect occurs in response to the decline in wages. Using a cross-sectional regression model this article examines the relative
employment effect due to right-to-work legislation. The results indicate that black workers experience a statistically significant
decline in their relative employment rate within right-to-work states. When this finding is coupled with the hypothesized
negative wage effect, it is concluded that right-to-work legislation results in a worsening of the net economic position of
black workers. 相似文献
13.
The concern of this article is with action at the local level to combat racial inequality in employment. It draws on the authors' evaluation of the 'West Midlands Common Standard', an innovative policy introduced by a consortium of West Midlands councils to ensure their contractors have, and implement, an equal opportunities in employment policy. The article assesses the impact of the initiative and its potential transferability. It is argued that the Common Standard provides a highly promising model for other local authorities to adopt. 相似文献
14.
15.
Whether the dual labor market structure implied by employment type and unionization causes wage discrimination is an intriguing and relevant policy question in the context of South Korea. This study examines the effect of trade unions on wage discrimination against irregular workers by extracting and comparing the ratios of the discriminatory wage gap by employment type between unionized and non-unionized workplaces. As per the analysis, all generalized decomposition frameworks show that the presence of trade unions expands discrimination regardless of the employment type. In addition, the effects of unionization on the degree of discrimination differ by factors characterized by the dual labor market. The effects are statistically significantly greater for women, youth, service industries, and white-collar jobs. 相似文献
16.
17.
Discrimination is systematic unfavorable treatment based solely on group membership. This study focuses on racial and ethnic discrimination in qualitative actions by real estate brokers, such as showing an advertised house, based on 2000 audits conducted in 1989. Each audit consists of a visit to a broker by a white person and a black or Hispanic person with equal qualifications. The audit data are used to measure the incidence of discrimination and to test hypotheses about its causes. The results reveal widespread discrimination and indicate that brokers discriminate based on personal prejudice and the prejudice of white clients. 相似文献
18.
Lisa Saunders 《The Review of Black Political Economy》2012,39(1):107-119
This paper investigates the roles of manufacturing employment, neighborhood poverty, and family structure in determining wages among Detroit, MI workers, just prior to the current economic crisis. Employment in manufacturing has been crucial for blacks and whites: 39% of black and of white men in the Detroit metropolitan area worked in manufacturing in 2000. Regression analysis in this paper estimates employment in manufacturing raised wages 15.8% for all workers in the metropolitan area, 24.4% for blacks and 13.8% for whites. It finds a higher wage penalty (4.7%) for blacks in non-manufacturing industries than is found when manufacturing sector jobs are included (2.6%). Wage returns to education were greater in the non-manufacturing employment sector, especially for blacks. Residence in the poorest central city neighborhoods reduced wages significantly for white manufacturing and non-manufacturing workers. Its coefficient was insignificant for black workers. Gender and marital status effects on wages differed between blacks and whites in magnitude: White women suffered a larger penalty for their sex than black women (22.6 versus 9.6%) yet black men enjoyed a greater return to marriage than white men (27.5 versus 25.0%). Controlling for manufacturing reduced the gender wage gap and the returns to marriage for men. These findings suggest greater accessibility for women; and lower returns to marriage in non-manufacturing sectors. Among employed blacks access to manufacturing jobs has been their main source of decent wages. The adverse effects of the industry??s job loss in the 1980s and 1990s impacted all Detroit residents. Other high wage industries have employed relatively few blacks, have not paid them well; and have suffered job loss and slow growth over the period. Education could have raised wages for non-manufacturing workers, but not as much as access to manufacturing jobs. Today as in 2000, Detroit??s residents desperately need job creation or relocation to the central city; and job training and anti-discrimination policy enforcement throughout the metro-area. All of these would be necessary to offset job loss and reduce inequality and poverty in Detroit. The extent to which blacks will benefit from 2010?C11 improvements in manufacturing employment in Detroit depends upon whether private companies and the state provide equal access to the jobs and the training new technologies require. 相似文献
19.
One of the most heated scholarly controversies in the area of racial equality and social justice in the 1980s has been the dispute over the nature, cause, and meaning of economic changes occurring within the black community. Although this debate has important public policy consequences, most of the research on which the debate is based is concerned with income. We argue that a broader interpretation of life chances should include an examination of wealth as well as income. Using the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP), we examine black and white patterns of wealth inequality. Our analysis uncovers a depth of inequality beyond that which is found when income alone is considered. Furthermore, we find that both race and class are important in determining patterns of racial inequalities in wealth. 相似文献
20.
Prior research on the disability burden of mental disorders has focused on the non-Latino white population, despite the growing
size and importance of racial/ethnic minorities in the labor market and in the US population as a whole. This paper is one
of the first to test for racial/ethnic differences in the effects of mental disorder on employment outcomes with data from
the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Collaborative Psychiatric Epidemiological Studies (CPES). We find that recent
psychiatric disorder is associated with a reduction in the likelihood of employment for men of all racial/ethnic groups relative
to non-Latino whites with the possible exception of Caribbeans. These findings are driven by the effects of anxiety and affective
disorders. For females, only affective disorders appear to detract from employment overall. Much larger negative effects are
found for Latino women with anxiety disorders. 相似文献