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水产品国际贸易研究综述   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
全球范围内水产品供求总量与供求结构的不平衡导致世界水产品贸易的增长,这使得对水产品贸易问题研究成为学术界关注的焦点之一。本文从不同层次、不同视角对国内外学者的水产品国际贸易研究进行了评述,以期展示该领域的研究脉络和前沿。特别从水产品贸易增长及其因素分析、区域性水产品贸易问题、水产品国际竞争力和技术性贸易壁垒四个方面进行了分析。  相似文献   

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中国渔业发展与水产品国际贸易   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
改革开放以来,中国渔业的发展举世瞩目,水产品总量居世界首位。作者从政策、方针、措施等方面阐述了中国渔业持续、快速、健康发展的根本原因及中国水产品在国际贸易方面取得的成就,同时也提出中国的渔业进入世界渔业大格局后应努力的方向  相似文献   

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近几年我国水产品对外贸易增长势头迅速。在全球水产品国际贸易如此快速增长的过程中,我国水产品对外贸易中仍然存在不少问题,其中,各国在WTO框架下的贸易保护和贸易中产生的摩擦数量不断增加,涉及的品种和范围不断扩大,一定程度上阻碍了我国水产品对外贸易的进一步发展。我国企业要积极应对有关贸易摩擦,维护我国的合法权益,维护企业自身利益,要求企业和政府了解并熟悉WTO中的贸易争端解决程序。本文将以图表形式为主介绍国际渔业贸易中争端解决的主要程序,以使涉海部门和有关企业更加直观的了解这一过程,以便今后更好的掌握贸易争端解决机制技巧并应用于实践中。  相似文献   

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水产食品安全标准与国际贸易的经济学分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
随着水产食品全球化供给的增加,以及近来食源性疾病的不断爆发,人们越来越关注水产食品安全问题,因此,许多国家实施了严格的水产食品安全标准来保护消费者。本文首先对水产食品安全标准在解决信息不对称和外部性问题时的作用进行了阐述,接着对不同国家因水产食品安全标准的不同而引发的水产食品贸易争端及结果进行了描述,最后就我国应如何面对由水产食品安全标准带来的贸易磨擦提出了建议。  相似文献   

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论文通过对世界鳗苗、活鳗和鳗鱼产品的生产和贸易的深入分析,发现鳗苗资源是制约鳗鱼产量增加的主要因素,并且影响鳗鱼产品的国际贸易。中国、台湾地区和日本是世界上主要的鳗鱼生产地区,亚洲和世界的鳗鱼出口变化主要受到中国鳗鱼出口变化的影响,亚洲和世界的鳗鱼进口变化主要由日本的鳗鱼进口变化决定。文章最后提出相关结论和建议,为发展我国鳗鱼生产和贸易提供相关的政策依据。  相似文献   

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The COVID-19 pandemic has put unprecedented strain on food supply chains. Given the ever-increasing degree of globalization, those supply chains very often stretch across international borders. In the short run, countries have largely been working to keep those supply chains intact and operating efficiently so that panic buying is cooled and shifts in consumption habits arising from personal isolation can be accommodated. Once the crisis has passed, based on what has been learned regarding the international food system's resilience, governments may wish to strengthen institutions that govern international trade. On the other hand, based on their COVID-19 experience, governments may feel that they are too dependent on foreign sources of supply and may wish to reverse the impacts of globalization on their food systems. As a result, they may become increasingly isolationist, eschewing international cooperation. Which of these opposing forces will prevail may depend on the paths economies follow after the disequilibrium precipitated by the pandemic.  相似文献   

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Canadian agricultural trade has experienced several volatile periods over the past 15 years. The Great Recession (2007–2009), the 2015–2016 global trade slowdown, unilateral policy actions by the United States against key trade allies and the multilateral system more generally, and the impacts of the Covid‐19 pandemic are among the most significant events during this period. Given the close integration of Canadian and US agricultural markets, the recent US election is likely to again impact the relative competitiveness of Canadian agricultural exports. While many observers suggest President‐elect Joe Biden will return to normal times regarding multilateral cooperation with key allies and international institutions such as the World Trade Organization, the new administration is likely to face headwinds given the significant fraying of ties with key trading partners and allies due to disruptive actions taken by his predecessor. This article provides an overview of potential implications of a Biden administration for Canada's agricultural trade. We start by reviewing recent trade shock events affecting Canada's agricultural trade with a particular focus on trade actions taken by the United States. Relevant components of the President‐elect Biden's platform, considerations affecting the implementation of this platform, and the implications of this for Canadian agricultural trade are considered.  相似文献   

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The notion of multifunctional agriculture has been researched from diverse disciplines including economics, sociology, political economy, and geography since the URAA. In particular, the economics approach represents an attempt to tailor the concept of multifunctional agriculture to market- oriented WTO trade regime. The approach has been fundamentally troubled by the lack of concord among WTO member countries on the question of what constitutes multifunctional agriculture. This article redefines multifunctional agriculture as a concept encompassing six components that are extremely heterogeneous in their nature of external benefits. Upon examining different positions taken by the US, the EU, the Cairns group, LDCs, and the G10, this article develops a conceptual model explaining why the notion of multifunctional agriculture is conceived so differently across countries. The model posits that institutions, natural resources endowment, ecological conditions, farm policies, and culture/history unique to each country would determine the state of economic development and agricultural competitiveness in a country, which in turn shape the pattern of social demand for various components of multifunctional agriculture. The theorizing undertakes to overcome the Euro- centrism that has dictated the discourse of multifunctional agriculture since the URAA. Implications are discussed for the governance of agricultural trade in the post-Doha Round era.  相似文献   

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During the negotiations on the Australia–US free trade agreement (AUSFTA), the US dairy industry vigorously opposed opening the US market to imports of Australian dairy products on the grounds that the US industry would be devastated. Subsequently, the agreement signed in February 2004 made an exception for dairy, providing for only limited quota expansion and no free trade, even at the end of the long implementation period. This paper presents a simulation model of world dairy markets, represented by supply and demand equations for fat and non‐fat components of milk and manufactured dairy products. We use the model to analyse the effects on US milk markets of both a hypothetical agreement, allowing free bilateral trade in dairy products, and the actual AUSFTA. An important contribution to the literature is the derivation of explicit supply and demand relationships for milk components. The components model allows an analysis of long‐term production, consumption, and trade patterns that is not tied to specific, fungible products. Simulations indicate that increased imports from Australia resulting from bilateral trade liberalisation would have resulted in small reductions in US milk prices and production. The much smaller increases in Australian access to the US market under the actual AUSFTA will have even smaller, almost negligible, impacts.  相似文献   

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Studies of US‐Mexico vegetable trade have generally emphasized the importance of US tariffs in determining the competitive advantage of US producers. Even so, research has identified at least four factors related primarily to the different levels of economic development in the US and Mexico that also have important effects on US‐Mexico agricultural trade in general and fresh vegetable trade in particular. These include the differential growth rates of US and Mexican real wages, production technology (yields), and per capita income as well as cyclical movements in the real Mexican Peso/US Dollar exchange rate. This study examines the relative contribution of NAFTA and the development‐related factors to likely future changes in US fresh vegetable imports from Mexico. The analysis employs an econometric simulation model of US and Mexican markets for five fresh vegetables (tomatoes, cucumbers, squash, bell peppers, and onions) accounting for 80% of US fresh vegetable imports. The results suggest that the 1994–1995 Peso devaluation rather than NAFTA was primarily responsible for the sharp increase in US imports of Mexican vegetables observed in the first years following the implementation of NAFTA. Over time, however, the results suggest that differences in the growth rates of US and Mexican production yields and, to a lesser extent, of US and Mexican real incomes and/or real wage rates could plausibly contribute more to the future growth of US tomato, squash, and onion imports from Mexico than the trade liberalizing effects of NAFTA.  相似文献   

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A well‐functioning trade relationship between Canada and the United States is crucial to the economic vitality of the Canadian agri‐food industry. However, agri‐food trade is more susceptible than other sectors to political interventions. The Trump presidency has strained Canada–US relations and his trade policy actions have significantly increased trade restrictions and trade policy uncertainty and undermined the rules‐based global trading system. We examine the pattern of agri‐food trade between the two countries and find that the upward trajectory of bilateral agri‐food trade ended in 2013. Although this flatlining predates the Trump administration, we show that Trump increased trade policy uncertainty starting in 2017 and likely impacted further expansion of trade. We examine what might change under the Biden presidency and argue that the new administration is likely to restore strong relationships with allies and work to rebuild important international institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). Although protectionist forces will continue to impact bilateral agri‐food trade, we expect closer political ties between a Biden administration and the Canadian Prime Minister. This should have a positive effect on the Canadian agri‐food industry by reducing trade uncertainties, thereby increasing agri‐food trade between Canada and the United States.  相似文献   

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Progress in the Doha Round is assessed against the changes tothe common agricultural policy (CAP) brought about by the Fischlerreforms of 2003–2004, and that proposed for sugar. Anelimination of export subsidies could place EU exports of processedfoods at a competitive disadvantage because of high sugar andmilk prices. Provided the single payment scheme falls withinthe green box, the likely new limits on domestic support shouldnot be problematic for the post-Fischler CAP. However, an ambitiousmarket access package could open up EU markets and bring pressurefor further reform. If there is no Doha agreement, existingprovisions will continue to apply, but without the protectionof the Peace Clause; and increased litigation is likely. FurtherCAP reform is to be expected.  相似文献   

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In early 2020, China, Australia's top export market, unilaterally imposed trade restrictions on Australian barley, beef, coal, cotton, timber, copper and wine. However, convincing evidence regarding the effects of such trade restrictions on firms is scarce. Leveraging data on daily stock returns from 20 listed Australian and 32 listed Chinese firms that produce the restricted commodities, we provide the first systematic analysis of the firm-level economic impacts of China's trade restrictions on Australian and Chinese firms. We find significant adverse effects on Australian firms' stock returns, leading to almost 20% loss within 10 trading days; however, most firms' stock returns immediately rebounded. In contrast, Chinese firms usually saw significant positive stock returns, leading to almost 30% gains, and the positive abnormal returns continuously increased within 10 trading days. Media coverage and trade dependence substantially impact Australian and Chinese firms' stock returns—industries with stronger trade dependence on China saw greater losses in Australian firms' stock returns. Our results suggest that trade reallocation and deflection are two effective mitigation mechanisms for Australian exporters facing China's trade restrictions.  相似文献   

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This paper examines how comparative advantages of major beef exporters changed following the 2003 bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) outbreak, which significantly disrupted the U.S. beef trade until approximately 2007. Using longitudinal data on beef export values and constructed revealed comparative advantage measures, we show that while some measures of the long-run impacts of BSE on U.S. beef export competitiveness have returned to pre-2003 levels, the U.S.’s comparative advantage has not. We also examine a hypothetical scenario of no BSE event in 2003 and predict that in the absence of the BSE outbreak, the U.S. beef sector would have been increasingly more competitive by 2017 than it actually was. Long-term trade competitiveness may not simply return to normal even after a short-term disruption.  相似文献   

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A successful agreement on agriculture is essential for an overall agreement under the WTO's Doha trade negotiations. Reaching agreement has been difficult, and as of August 2007, much still remains to be done if a successful agreement is to be reached. We consider three of the most controversial areas of the agricultural negotiations: the relative importance of domestic support, market access and export subsidies; three market access issues of sensitive‐product exceptions sought for all countries and, the additional special product exceptions sought for developing countries, the proposed special safeguard mechanism; and the domestic support issue. We show that decisions made on reform in these areas will have a critical influence on whether the negotiations achieve their objectives of promoting trade reform and reducing poverty.  相似文献   

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