论中美贸易争端

随着中美贸易的发展，中美贸易摩擦也日益加剧，本介绍了目前中美贸易摩擦现状，分析了产生摩擦的主要原因，并提出了相应的对策。     

浅谈中美纺织品贸易摩擦

近年来,随着我国纺织服装产品对美出口的不断增长,中美在纺织品服装贸易方面的摩擦也越来越多,尤其是在国际纺织品贸易实现一体化以来,美国更是加大了对我国的限制措施。中美贸易摩擦的症结何在,如何解决,这是我国广大业内人士普遍关心的问题。本文围绕近年来针对中美纺织品服装贸易摩擦,及国内纺织品行业存在的问题进行了详细的阐述,并有针对性地提出了我国纺织品服装出口企业的应对措施。     

中美纺织品贸易争端：影响、根源与对策

本文针对近几个月来美国对从我国进口的纺织品频频实施特保措施，中关六轮纺织品贸易谈判一直未达成一致的贸易热点问题，通过对中美纺织品贸易中存在的主要问题、贸易摩擦对我国纺织品出口的影响、中美纺织品贸易摩擦产生根源的深入分析，对我国纺织品业的现状应对、困境突围提出了探索性的新策略。     

中美纺织品贸易摩擦问题研究

作为发展中国家最大的经济体中国和世界第一大经济体美国在纺织品贸易方面一直保持着持续稳定增长的势头,但于此同时两国的贸易摩擦现象也日益频繁且呈现不断加剧的趋势。本文首先,研究了中美两国纺织品贸易摩擦的现状;其次,介绍了中美纺织品贸易摩擦产生的原因;最后,针对这些问题提出了解决中美纺织品贸易摩擦的一系列具体化措施。     

中美纺织品贸易摩擦探析

中国加入WTO后，尤其是2003年以来、美国因国内的高失业率、纺织业发展低迷，遂以纺织品“特殊保障条款”等为理由，一直限制中国的纺织品进口。美国的这种贸易保护主义政策影响了中关贸易关系甚至全球贸易关系的正常运行，是一种不公平并阻碍着双方经济发展的不明智之举。所以．我国应织极采取措施应对。     

中美纺织品贸易争端:影响、根源与对策

本文针对近几个月来美国对从我国进口的纺织品频频实施特保措施,中美六轮纺织品贸易谈判一直未达成一致的贸易热点问题,通过对中美纺织品贸易中存在的主要问题、贸易摩擦对我国纺织品出口的影响、中美纺织品贸易摩擦产生根源的深入分析,对我国纺织品业的现状应对、困境突围提出了探索性的新策略。     

中美纺织品贸易争端:影响、根源与对策

本文针对近几个月来美国对从我国进口的纺织品频频实施特保措施,中美六轮纺织品贸易谈判一直未达成一致的贸易热点问题,通过对中美纺织品贸易中存在的主要问题、贸易摩擦对我国纺织品出口的影响、中美纺织品贸易摩擦产生根源的深入分析,对我国纺织品业的现状应对、困境突围提出了探索性的新策略.     

浅析中美纺织品贸易摩擦及对策

中国是全球最大的纺织生产和纺织品出口国，据中国纺织工业协会统计，2004年中国纤维加工量2400万吨，约占世界生产能力的38％；2004年中国对全球出口纺织品服装951亿美元，约占全球纺织品贸易总额的1／4。中国在纺织品出口上有三大优势：价格便宜、品种齐全，以及物流环节快捷。     

中美欧纺织品贸易摩擦加剧

在今年初全球取消纺织品贸易配额后．美国、欧盟凭第一季度相关进口增加的数据．先后威胁要对中国纺织品进口采取限制措施。4月以来，这一贸易摩擦逐渐升温。先是美国对中国棉制针织衬衫等7种纺织品设限，后是欧盟无视中国一再采取的加征关税等积极措施，对中国T恤和麻纱采取设限措施。     

贸易保护与中美纺织品贸易摩擦

自由贸易与贸易保护就像一个铜币的两面互为对照,它们在每个国家的实施是相互并行而又此消彼长的,这全看他们的实力和地位。正如以“自由贸易”的守护天使自居的美国时不时挥舞贸易保护主义的大棒一样,前一阶段的纺织品贸易摩擦就是个很好的例子。美国的贸易保护政策是一种不公平并且阻碍双方经济发展的不明智之举,所以我国应积极采取措施加以应对。     

技术贸易壁垒对太阳能光伏对外贸易影响及原因分析

本文对技术贸易壁垒对太阳能光伏对外贸易产生的影响和其原因从国内外两个方面进行了分析,国外主要是贸易保护的因素,国内则是质量、技术以及标准化的因素。     

中国与东盟贸易的决定因素分析

本文以中国与东盟间的双边贸易为研究对象,利用贸易引力模型分析中国与东盟之间贸易的决定因素。中国的GDP、东盟国家国的GDP和人均GDP对于中国-东盟贸易具有显著的促进作用,而中国的人均GDP和距离对于中国-东盟的贸易具有阻碍作用。     

韩国零售巨鳄易买得为何咄咄逼人

蓄势8年后，韩国零售巨鳄易买得突然发力，加速扩张，接连在上海开出2家新店。“巨鳄”意欲何为?易买得创始人之一具学书一语抖落天机：“韩零售业已日趋饱和。中国是一个巨大市场。”     

The impact of international trade on emigration in developing countries

This paper studies how international trade affects emigration in developing countries. This is a new aspect as previous studies investigated the impact of immigration on trade from host countries perspective. However, there are also reasons to believe that trade may affect the propensity to emigrate in the home countries, leading to potential brain drain in developing countries, especially given the theoretical hypothesis in Stolper–Samuelson (S–S) theorem within Heckscher–Ohlin (H–O) factor-proportion model that more educated workers are more likely to emigrate due to an increase in international trade. When low-skill abundant developing countries liberalize trade, the reward of the scarce factor (skilled labor) is reduced in these countries, but it increases in the high-skill abundant developed countries. Therefore, skilled workers in the developing countries see a strong incentive to migrate to developed countries. To test this hypothesis, this paper utilizes a panel of 133 developing countries for the period of 1980–2010 and finds that high-skilled workers are more likely to emigrate with trade while there appears to be no effect of trade on low-skilled workers.     

The effect of the Internet on international trade

We find that the Internet stimulates trade. Evidence from time-series and cross-section regressions shows a significant effect of the Internet on trade in recent years. Our results suggest that a 10 percentage point increase in the growth of web hosts in a country leads to about a 0.2 percentage point increase in export growth. For the average country in our sample, the Internet contributed to about a 1 percentage point increase in annual export growth from 1997 to 1999. We also find evidence of proximity-biased trade growth, i.e. that trade growth is lower for more distant countries, but we do not find evidence that the Internet has directly affected this bias. The evidence is consistent with a model in which the Internet reduces market-specific fixed costs of trade. In particular, we show that an Internet-related reduction in fixed costs is likely to enhance export growth. The model also shows that the Internet does not directly affect the relationship between distance and trade; however, to the extent that competition is enhanced as a result of its development, the Internet will increase the overall effect of distance on trade.     

Trade liberalization and the environment: The case of intra-industry trade

Abstract

While a large body of literature examines the environmental impact of trade on the environment, this discussion focuses largely on the context of inter-industry trade. Empirical evidence has long suggested that an increasing share of international trade takes the form of intra- rather than inter-industry trade. In an attempt to fill this gap, the present paper uses a price-setting duopoly model of intra-industry trade to highlight the environmental consequences of trade liberalization when oligopolistic rivalry rather than comparative advantage drives international trade. We find that the environmental impact of trade liberalization depends mostly on two factors, namely, on the nature of pollution (i.e. whether it is local, transboundary or global) and on which country liberalizes trade (i.e. whether it is the ‘clean’ country or the ‘dirty’ country).     

基于贸易视角的人民币“区域化”的微观经济分析

从贸易的角度对人民币“区域化”的收益以及相应的效应做了分析,通过对中国与亚洲其他国家贸易情况,以及中国经济发展对亚洲国家贸易流量和贸易结构等方面的影响来判断在亚洲贸易发展的趋势下,人民币“区域化”的可行性。研究结果表明,中国对外贸易发展对亚洲其他国家的贸易流量、贸易结构和市场转移等方面的影响已经为人民币“区域化”创造了必要条件,而人民币“区域化”也将亚洲国家间贸易的发展提升到一个更高的层次。     

大国政府间的汇率博弈——中美巨额贸易差额下的人民币汇率问题研究

从中美两国博弈的角度来看,美国会迫使人民币升值来解决两国间长期存在的巨额贸易差额。在本文的研究中,美国效用期望值最大时的最优升值率介于0和茁之间,中国的最优选择是允许人民币升值,但最优升值率为茁/2。在人民币升值后,如果美国仍进行报复,中国的最优选择是进行反报复,并可通过合理选择报复对象以实现最优。     

Endogenous political organization and the value of trade agreements

In a bargaining model of endogenous protection, I introduce fixed costs of political-organization that need to be incurred by capitalists prior to actual lobbying. Unlike Maggi and Rodriguez-Clare [J. Pol. Econ. 106(3) (1998) 575] intersectoral capital mobility is disallowed. Nevertheless, I am still able to obtain their main result that a government with low bargaining power vis-à-vis the import-competing lobby precommits to a free-trade agreement. Further, with high fixed organizational costs, the government prefers to stay out of such agreements. Its maximum bargaining power consistent with signing a trade agreement has an inverse-V-shaped relationship with respect to the size of fixed costs.     

The effect of trade and political institutions on economic institutions

This study examines the relationship between trade and the quality of economic institutions under different political institutions. It uses panel data of 138 countries from 1984 to 2010 and employs instrumental variables and identification through heteroscedasticity to mitigate the problem of endogeneity. The findings suggest that the effect of trade on economic institutions reduces significantly in the presence of extractive political institutions. The findings indicate that ‘trade’ is not a sufficient tool for improving economic institutions; rather, trade policies need to be embedded in distinct political institutions to trigger the substantive improvement of economic institutions.