到底是什么创造了财富？

到底劳动是不是创造了财富？如果财富是劳动创造的，企业家（或资本家）没有劳动，却赚了钱，那就是剥削。既然有剥削，就有剥削阶级，有阶级和阶级斗争。如果财富不是劳动创造的，那是谁创造的？是如何创造的？这个问题看似简单，已经争论了上百年。     

领导人个性与财富创造

领导人能够为公司创造多少财富,与其个性有着密不可分的联系。通常大家都会认为一个新公司能够获得成功是因为它能提供一个非常出色的新产品。其实,如果某公司因为某个产品而创造了巨大的财富,这个过程也一定离不开好的管理团队。然而,有没有一种情况,是企业的成功完全取决于创始人或核心管理者的个性,而与其产品本身完全无关?     

磨难创造出的财富英雄

人们常说,自古英雄多磨难。此言确实不假,磨难是人生最重要的一笔财富。但是能够真正把磨难创造出巨大财富的却没有几人可以做到。     

虚拟经济及其财富创造机制

虚拟经济主要存在于金融业。它具有克服经济运行中的交易成本，提高经济发展效率的一般性功能，通过结算和支付结算、储蓄－投资过程的维系、便利资本流动和产权复合、管理风险以及提供信息和激励机制这些独特的财富创造机制，对经济增长产生巨大的促进作用。     

中国新富人群关心财富创造

<正>互联网、科技创新等一批创业企业的出现,令国内富豪人数快速增长。招商银行与贝恩公司联手发布的《2015中国私人财富报告》(以下简称《报告》)显示,基于互联网技术或平台的新型致富模式催生了新富人群涌现,而这类新富人群更关心财富创造,喜欢通过高风险、高收益的产品为自己带来更多收益。近年来,中国高净值人群(可投资资产超过1000万元)规模在逐年扩大。2014年,中国的高净值人群数量首     

财富纵横谈

财富本身并不复杂，其复杂性源于财富是如何被创造的，以及如何被使用的，人们从不同角度对财富产生了不同的认识，从而赋予了财富不同的内涵。     

券商财富管理业务空间广阔

近年来,居民财富管理需求迅猛增长,高净值人群可投资规模大幅上升,券商财富管理业务发展正处于黄金时期.随着公募基金,尤其是权益类基金规模的不断扩张,基金投顾业务的兴起和发展更是为券商财富管理创造了新的契机. 8月份,有超过60家券商举办了形式多样的"818理财节"活动,成为券商探索财富管理转型之路的具体体现.而从多家上市券商的半年报数据中,我们也可以发现,在行业马太效应日益加剧的当下,向财富管理转型已然成为各家券商布局和发力的"兵家必争之地".     

财富管理如何与时代同步——关于北京市东城区发展财富管理行业的调研报告

<正>2021年底,中国人民银行在其发布的《中华人民共和国金融行业标准》（以下简称《标准》）中定义财富管理：贯穿于人的整个生命周期,在财富的创造、保有和传承过程中,通过一系列金融与非金融的规划与服务,构建个人、家庭、家族与企业的系统性安排,实现财富创造、保护、传承、再创造的良性循环。同时,文件中首次定义财富管理与资产管理的区别：财富管理贯穿人的整个生命周期,不限于金融服务,目的还包括财富创造、保护、传承等;资产管理业务（产品）是金融服务,目的是资产保值增值。     

社会的财富和财富观

财富是经济学的核心,财富的创造和财富的分配是经济学中永恒的主题.离开了财富及其创造和分配,也就没有了经济和经济学.     

财富管理的“私人”故事

相比普通的财富管理,私人银行的服务范围更加广泛,服务方式更为私密,产品种类也更为丰富。相比普通投资者,高净值人群在拥有更多财富积累的同时,对财富管理的需求也更加特殊和多元化。"创业容易守业难"、"富不过三代",成为许多高净值人士在打理自身财富时所担心的问题。而在众多的财富管理机构中,私人银行凭借其独特的服     

地方普通高校内涵式发展战略研究

我国地方普通高校在经历了普遍的规模扩张之后,面临着如何实现质量提高的考验,“以促进公平和提高质量为重点”的内涵式发展道路成为其必然选择。置身国外名校、国内重点院校和民办、高职院校同台竞技的国内高教市场,地方普通高校在资金、生源和人才竞争中都承受着巨大压力,这就需要他们立足本校和本地区的实际,走“特色”办学之路,在提高内部管理水平的同时,借助相关扶助政策,走出适合自己的内涵式发展之路。     

Wealth happens

The economic world is full of patterns, and one of the most controversial is the distribution of wealth. You might expect the balance between rich and poor to vary widely from country to country. But back in 1897, Vilfredo Pareto discovered a pattern of wealth distribution that appears to be universal. Whenever you double the amount of wealth within a country, the number of people in each successively higher wealth bracket falls by a constant factor. The factor varies among countries, but the pattern remains essentially the same. From a mathematical standpoint, Pareto's distribution has stubbornly defied explanation. But recently, researchers were able to replicate the curve by applying the principles of network organization. They began with two simple assumptions. First, wealth accumulates either by transfers from person to person or through investment returns, positive or negative. Second, rich people invest more money than poor people. Starting with a hypothetical group of 1,000 people of equal wealth and abilities, the model always produces Pareto's wealth distribution no matter how the links in the network are organized or how the balance between interpersonal transactions and investment returns are set. The model also indicates that the degree of wealth concentration can be influenced. Increasing the number of links in the network or the total amount of money flowing through an economy tends to decrease wealth disparities; increasing investment returns or volatility tends to increase it. Replete with public policy implications, the model is only one example of how network analysis can reshape our understanding of complex economic and social systems, which may have less to do with the behavior of individual members than with impersonal and seemingly insignificant forces.     

Wealth and Executive Compensation

Using new data on the wealth of Swedish CEOs, I show that higher wealth CEOs receive stronger incentives. Since high wealth (excluding own‐firm holdings) implies low absolute risk aversion, this is consistent with a risk aversion explanation. To examine whether wealth is likely to proxy for power, I use lagged wealth (typically measured before the CEO was hired), and the results remain for one of two incentive measures. Also, the wealth–incentive result is not stronger for CEOs likely to face limited owner oversight. Finally, wealth is unrelated to pay levels, and is hence unlikely to proxy for skill.     

Real Estate Versus Financial Wealth in Consumption

The consumption function for the U.S. economy is estimated with real estate and financial wealth for quarterly data for 1952:1–2001:4. An additional dollar of real estate wealth increases consumption by 8 cents in the current year, as compared with only 2 cents for financial wealth. The results are consistent with theoretical bounds on the marginal propensity to consume from aggregate wealth. The decline in the stock market during 2000–2001 had a limited impact on aggregate demand in part because of an offsetting real estate wealth effect.     

Housing Wealth,Financial Wealth and Consumption Expenditure: The Role of Consumer Confidence

The objective of this paper is to examine the role of consumer confidence on the relationship between two forms of wealth—housing and financial—and four categories of consumption expenditure, which include total consumption, service, durable goods and nondurable goods consumption. This paper uses U.S. quarterly data from 1978 to 2012 for its analysis. Applying the FMOLS estimation method, the results show that consumer confidence has a positive effect on the association between housing wealth and consumption expenditure, whereas its effect on the association between financial wealth and consumption expenditure is negative. The implications of these results are discussed.     

Wealth,Composition, Housing,Income and Consumption

The present research covering the latest residential boom and bust cycle highlights the lack of uniform or constant time invariant wealth, housing and income relations. More important, wealth composition is shown to be a significant determinant of consumption. The marginal effects of housing equity, financial wealth and income differ substantially based on the composition of household wealth. Households with the highest percentage of net worth in financial assets have much lower income effects, have substantially higher marginal effects associated with stock holdings and have housing equity effects that differ noticeably from other households. Income effects for groups with the smallest amounts of relative financial wealth are dramatically higher than for households with greater financial wealth. Wealth and its composition affect consumption.     

金融摩擦、收入风险与财富不平等

本文通过构建带有职业选择的两部门异质模型,探讨了个体面临的金融摩擦和收入风险对财富分配的作用机制。结果发现,经济中存在的金融摩擦会通过职业选择、自我保险和自融资来影响个人的财富积累,从而导致财富的集中和不平等。对模型模拟的结果表明:降低金融摩擦在总体上会降低财富不平等程度,但对不同财富阶层的影响不同,其在大幅减少前1%和前10%阶层财富份额的同时,虽然也会在一定程度上提升后50%阶层的财富份额,但提升幅度并不大,过高或过低的企业家收入风险,都会加大财富不平等程度,因而存在一个使经济中财富不平等程度最低的适度企业家收入风险水平;虽然金融摩擦和收入风险都会影响经济中的财富不平等,但收入风险本身对财富不平等程度的影响较小,其主要是通过金融摩擦放大了经济中财富不平等的程度。     

Wealth portfolios and elite professional athletes

Defined contribution pension plans typically rely on some type of lifecycle allocation investment strategy. This approach has recently been shown to be sub-optimal due to the portfolio size effect. The terminal wealth of individuals with steadily increasing earnings over time is significantly less when using a lifecycle strategy compared with a simple contrarian approach. The adverse effect of an inappropriate asset allocation strategy for investors with unorthodox earnings profiles, such as for professional athletes, can be greatly magnified. We demonstrate that strategies that exploit the portfolio size effect vastly dominates terminal wealth earned using lifecycle strategies for individuals who experience unorthodox earning profiles, particularly those generating high investable incomes early in life. While the lifecycle strategy contains some attractive features relating to risk aversion and diminishing utility from wealth, we demonstrate that for unorthodox earnings profiles the case for taking advantage of the portfolio size effect is particularly strong.     

Wealth dynamics and a bias toward momentum trading

Evolutionary metaphors have been prominent in both economics and finance. They are often used as basic foundations for rational behavior and efficient markets. Theoretically, a mechanism which selects for rational investors requires many caveats, and is far from generic. This paper tests wealth based evolution in a simple, stylized agent-based financial market. The setup borrows extensively from current research in finance that considers optimal behavior with some amount of return predictability. In the case of utility functions which differ from log, wealth selection alone converges to parameters which are economically far from the optimal forecast parameters. This serves as a strong reminder that wealth selection and utility maximization are not the same thing. Therefore, suboptimal financial forecasting strategies may be difficult to drive out of a market, and may even do quite well for some time.     

Does Consumption Respond More to Housing Wealth Than to Financial Market Wealth? If So,Why?

This paper uses long-run equilibrium relationship between consumption and different components of wealth to estimate the effect of changes in housing wealth and financial wealth on consumption. By exploiting this long-run property, it has been shown that a dollar increase in housing wealth increases consumption by seven cents, whereas, a corresponding dollar increase in financial wealth increases consumption by only three cents. This difference in the wealth effect arises because transitory shocks dominate variation in financial wealth, whereas permanent shocks account for most of the variation in housing wealth. This paper also shows that the relative importance of permanent component for housing wealth has witnessed an increase over the last thirty years. Therefore, housing wealth effect has also increased over time.