共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Marick F. Masters Robert R. Albright Ray Gibney 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2010,22(3):255-274
The face of unionism in the United States is becoming increasingly public sector. On the surface, public sector unionism appears
as a bright spot for labor. A more careful examination of the data, however, reveals that such unionism is at a standstill.
Absolute growth has been insufficient to offset losses in private industry, and it is largely tied to increases in public
employment. Public employee unions face numerous serious challenges, and questions have been raised in the federal service
about the very legitimacy of union representation. Future scenarios suggest that public sector unionism as a whole will likely
remain in a more or less stagnant position. 相似文献
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Charles W. Baird 《Managerial and Decision Economics》1981,2(2):82-90
It is incorrect and misleading to speak of unionization as a ‘human right’. The only human right is ‘self-ownership’, i.e. to pursue goals with one's own abilities but with no force or fraud against others. Government cannot dispense rights, only privileges and protections to some at the expense of others. A minimal degree of coercion exercised by government is unavoidable. But labor unions are not governments. Government has granted significant privileges to unions in the private sector, but such are not appropriate for public sector unions. 相似文献
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Neo-Liberalism Guarantees Social Movement Unionism 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Dan Clawson 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2008,20(3):207-212
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Victor G. Devinatz 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2017,29(3):107-125
In January 2014, Northwestern University (NU) football players filed a certification election petition with the National Labor Relations Board’s (NLRB) Chicago regional office. After the NLRB ruled that they were employees having the legal right to unionize, the football players voted at the end of April 2014 with NU immediately appealing the regional director’s ruling after the balloting. In mid-August 2015, the Washington D.C. NLRB declined jurisdiction in this case, ending the football players’ unionization attempt. Because of the NLRB’s appellate ruling, however, unionization of college athletes remains a distinct possibility. Since a majority of U.S. collegiate basketball and football players are black, this paper argues that the model of unionism that should be adopted in any unionization attempt of these college athletes is civil rights unionism which represents a continuation of the historic, collective struggle of Black athletes to obtain their rights on athletic fields and in classrooms. 相似文献
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Social Movement Unionism or Trade Unions as Social Movements 总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0
Peter Fairbrother 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2008,20(3):213-220
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Abstract . What were the circumstances under which political unionism has emerged in economies of British colonial origin, such as Jamaica and Trinidad? The hypothesis tested is that the political activities of trade unions in such economies played a role in the process of economic development, helping to achieve political independence and then economic growth. But at that stage political unionism is found to be incompatible with needed acceleration of growth rates. A significant deterioration in economic and social conditions produced a crisis and the unions traded support for the parties for some control over economic and social policy. This gave the political leaders the power they needed to negotiate for independence but, in Jamaica, it changed the focus and character of the labor movement. 相似文献
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《American journal of economics and sociology》1980,39(3):237-248
A bstract . This investigation has shown that in developing countries an inconsistency arises between the need for more equitable distribution of income and wealth between classes and groups and the goals of an industrial relations system in which the trade unions are committed to 'political unionism.' While the unions helped to achieve independence and thus economic growth , in Jamaica the country moved into independence with a legacy of hardship and conflict, and of bad labor-management relations. Legitimate union demands were suppressed, producing a situation in which latent conflict became manifest. This became a permanent feature; the unions are encouraged to become militant political organizations which in Trinidad were alienated from the formal political structure. The type of unions and industrial relations systems that emerged after independence proved unsuitable and undesirable for achieving sustained rapid rates of economic growth, making reform of the labor relations system and the electoral process mandatory. 相似文献
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Abstract . Developing countries face an inconsistency between the need for more equitable distribution of income and wealth between classes and groups and the goals of an industrial relations system in which the trade unions have a systematic commitment to allied political parties to support them in exchange for some control over economic and social policy, or where unions compete with parties for popular support of certain social and political goals. This is designated as 'political unionism' in contradistinction to 'business unionism' where unions support any party whose overall strategy and objectives are most compatible. The analysis shows that ‘political unionism’ led, in Jamaica and in Trinidad and Tabago, to lags in growth which make industrial relations reform a necessity of an effective program of social change. 相似文献
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Peter Waterman 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2008,20(4):303-308