Interdisciplinary economics

Summary Starting from Robbins and Hennipman and with the help of Becker and Lindenberg a theoretical framework has been constructed within which the strong points of economics and sociology are combined,viz,. the formal but relatively bare-bones modelling of economics and the often so much richer, in terms of social content, analysis of sociology. This theoretical framework also appears to enable more balanced analyses of the effectiveness and efficiency of legislation and regulation than the kind of law and economics so much in fashion at the moment, which is often not devoid of economism and in whichhomo econornicus still all too often figures as the prototype of man.(Economic Institute/Centre for Interdisciplinary Research on Labour Market and Distribution Issues (CIAV)); Associate of The Netherlands Interdisciplinary Demographic Institute (NIDI) in The Hague and the Interuniversity Center for Social Science Theory and Methodology (ICS). This article is an adapted version of my inaugural lecture.     

Book Review

Book review in this Article:
BARKER, F.C. The South African Labour Market. Critical Issues for Transition.
EL-NAGGAR, S. (ed.) Investment Policies in the Arab Countries.
NATTRASS, N. Profits and Wages – The South African Economic Challenge     

Analysis of wage differentials by gender and ethnicity in the public sector

This study investigates the source of wage differentials between blacks, Hispanics, and whites, and between women and men, in metropolitan Dade County (Florida) government, and draws out the implications of this analysis for affirmative action planning. Our distinctive finding is that the primary factor causing observed wage differentials by ethnicity is the sorting of people across occupational categories. Wage decompositions reveal that for males, 70 percent, 88 percent, and 47 percent of the wage gaps between white and black, white and Hispanic, and Hispanic and black, respectively, are attributable to occupation. For females, the corresponding figures are 56 percent, 58 percent, and 51 percent. When comparing men and women of the same ethnic group, occupational employment patterns are found to be an important factor accounting for lower average female wages, yet within major occupational groups women seem to be receiving higher wages (on average) than men.     

Full-Time and Part-Time Work and the Gender Wage Gap

Using hourly and weekly wages from the Canadian Labour Force Survey from 2000 until 2018, workers were separated into full-time and part-time and the following striking observation was documented. The overall gender wage gap is larger than either the full-time pay gap or the part-time pay gap, even after controlling for detailed personal and job characteristics. This result is a consequence of two findings: (i) part-time wages are lower than full-time wages, and (ii) the majority of part-time workers are women. In aggregation, this brings down the average female wage, leading to a larger aggregate gender wage gap. This was further linked to a differential selection by gender into full-time and part-time work, with women of higher earnings potential being overrepresented in the pool of part-time workers, resulting in no gender pay gap in the part-time worker category. Policies targeted at encouraging full-time employment for women should therefore reduce the gender wage gap.

     

A note on black-white wage disparity

Conclusion The evidence in this article helps to explain the black-white earnings differential in 1970, six years after the passage of Fair Employment Legislation, in terms of traditional measures such as experience and education along with a public policy measure that has of late come under fire. And contrary to the notion that the gains from such government policy have not benefited the less fortunate workers but simply accrued only, or mainly, to upper- or middle-class blacks, the results presented here indicate that enforcement, such as it is, has had beneficial effects for black men and women in virtually all major occupational categories. When a distinction is made between the various major occupational categories, the importance of education and experience as factors that contribute toward explaining black-white earnings differentials is generally supported by this study. However, neither education nor experience shows a consistent explanatory power across occupational categories and especially across the sexes. For example, experience is more frequently found to be a significant factor for black men than it is for black women. Education, on the other hand, was found to have no statistically significant relationship with wage differentials in major blue-collar job categories for both men and women, thus lending some credence to the dual labor market thesis regarding returns to education. By far the factor we have found to be the most consistent with respect to its impact upon racial wage differentials for both men and women is the fair employment variable. Indeed, across major occupational groups the existence and enforcement of fair employment laws seems to have had, generally, a more significant effect on reducing racial wage differentials than each of the other independent variables.     

Reviews

REGIONAL POLITICS: GERMAN AND BRITISH.

Anderson, Jeffrey J. 1992: The Territorial Imperative: Pluralism, Corporatism and Economic Crisis. Cambridge University Press, £35 hardback.

COMMUNITIES ON THE PERIPHERY: THAMESMEAD AND AAMSTERDAM NORTH.

Coping with Social and Economic Change at Neighbourhood Level: Final Reports on the Netherlands and the UK of Research carried out for the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions.

GETTING A NEW START?

White, M. and Lakey, J. 1992: The Restart Effect — Does Active Labour Market Policy Reduce Unemployment? Policy Studies Institute.

JOB SEARCH AND MISMATCH IN CITIES.

Simpson, W. 1992: Urban Structure and the Labour Market: Worker Mobility, Commuting, and Underemployment in Cities. Oxford: Clarendon Press, £25 hardback.     

Interpreting Wage Gaps of Disabled Men: The Roles of Productivity and of Discrimination

Using the UK Labour Force Survey, we study wage gaps for disabled men after the introduction of the Disability Discrimination Act. We estimate wage gaps at the mean and at different quantiles of the wage distribution and decompose them into a part explained by differences in workers' and job characteristics, a part that can be ascribed to health‐related reduced productivity, and a residual part. The large original wage gaps reduce substantially when we control for differences in education and occupation, although significant residuals remain. However, when we isolate productivity differences between disabled and nondisabled workers, the residual wage gap becomes insignificant in most cases.     

Off‐farm wage returns to education: Evidence from Lesotho

This article presents estimates of off‐farm wage returns to education in rural areas of Lesotho. Results from a sample survey conducted in the northern Lowlands and Foothills of Lesotho indicate that returns to education are relatively higher for people wage‐employed in Lesotho than those wage‐employed as migrants in South Africa. For people working within Lesotho, education appears to have a significant and positive effect on off‐farm wages. Most people working within Lesotho are employed as teachers, nurses and civil servants and these job categories require an educated labour force. For people wage‐employed in South Africa, education appears not to have a significant effect on off‐farm wages. Most men working in South Africa are employed as labourers in mines while women working in South Africa are employed as domestic servants.     

Race and sex differences in the effects of early unemployment on wages

Youth unemployment is shown to have significant depressing effects on black long-run earnings over and above the loss in work experience which accompanies unemployment. Estimates were similar for men and women, showing that for each week of unemployment black youth incurred early in their work careers, wages were reduced by about one half a percentage point five years later. A six month bout with unemployment in 1979 was related to a 13 percent drop in wage rates five years later. For white youth, joblessness, but not unemployment per se, had a significant negative impact on subsequent wage rates.     

Gender differences in job search among young workers: A study using displaced workers in the United States

This article investigates gender differences in job search, job tenure, and wages, whether these differences vary over the early part of the life‐cycle, and whether they are associated with fertility decisions. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youths on highly attached displaced workers aged 20 to 45, we find that 20‐ to 29‐year‐old women and women older than 40 experience longer spells of displacement than comparable men, but that time to a new job is similar by gender for those between 30 and 39 years of age. The age pattern in male–female wage differences in the post‐displacement job is similar, with the largest differences occurring at ages 20 to 29 and over 40. We find no gender differences in tenure in the post‐displacement job. We interpret the differences for the younger ages to be related to fertility and we provide evidence that supports this view.     

The Wage Gap between Men and Women in Botswana's Formal Labour Market

This study looks at the wage gap between men and women in Botswana'sformal sector labour market. The wage gap is decomposed usingOaxaca's decomposition methodology. This method breaks downearnings differences into two parts: one part is due to differencesin characteristics between men and women, while the other partis due to differences in rewards to those characteristics inthe labour market. The latter has often been interpreted asa measure of the extent of the discrimination against women.The results of the decomposition exercise shows that there isrelatively less discrimination in the public sector, while inthe private sector discrimination against women is a major factorexplaining the differences in their earnings.     

Do Skill Mismatches Create a Wage Penalty? Alternative Estimates for Korea*

In this paper, we estimate the wage penalty of skill mismatches among young Korean workers using propensity score matching (PSM) and ordinary least squares (OLS) methods. OLS estimates suggest that a moderate wage penalty results from skill mismatches: 3.8 percent for men and 5.6 percent for women. In contrast, PSM estimates suggest a weakly significant wage penalty for men and women only when kernel matching (KM) is used, but not when nearest neighbor matching(NNM) or radius matching (RM) techniques are used. These results contradict the findings of previous studies and suggest that there may not be a substantial wage penalty associated with skill mismatches.     

Labour unions and wage inequality among African men in South Africa

One Achilles' heel of post-Apartheid South Africa is the growing intra-racial income inequality, particularly among Africans. This paper examines the role of labour unions in explaining this phenomenon among African men given that labour markets are at the core of income inequality in South Africa. Using cross-sectional data drawn from Labour Force Surveys for 2001–10, we find a monotonically declining union wage premium. Further, our results indicate that unions have both compressionary and disequalising effects on wages. The disequalising effect dominates the compressionary effect, suggesting that unions have a net effect of increasing wage inequality among African men in South Africa. This finding implies that there is scope for unions to reduce inequality through initiatives that promote wage compression.     

Wage Compensation for Job Risks: the Case of Hong Kong

The paper provides an estimate of wage compensation for fatal job risk in Hong Kong. It uses the 1991 Population Census of Hong Kong merged with job fatality data collected by the Labour Department. The results show that there is a positive and significant compensating wage differential for job fatal risk for manual workers in Hong Kong. The estimated 'statistical value of a life' is approximately HK$10.8m in 1990 prices (about US$1.4m). While this figure is somewhat lower than many estimates for developed countries, it is much higher than workers' compensation.     

分配制度改革的核心在于公正性而非均贫富

市场经济的制度局限下不存在"均贫富"的分配制度,当前公众对分配制度改革的不满不是贫富差距本身,而是有人破坏分配正义,谋求法外利益,侵害了公众利益。     

Eastern European trade and the Austrian labour market

Eastern European Trade and the Austrian Labour Market. — Recent years have seen a major break in trade relations between Western and Eastern European countries. Austria experienced a large bilateral trade creation with these countries. In this paper, the authors take a closer look at the impact this trade growth had on the Austrian labour market. To differentiate as far as possible between different segments of the labour market, they concentrate on unemployment experience and wage growth for a panel of individual workers in Austrian industry. The results show rather small employment effects, the impact on wage growth is more pronounced with interesting modifications for mobile and immobile workers.     

Explaining the reduction in the gender wage gap during the 1990–94 economic recession in Spain

Many studies reveal that male-female wage differentials increase with the level of unemployment, suggesting that women are hurt by a recession more than men. However, the 1990–94 economic recession in Spain contributed to reduce the gender wage gap by almost 5 percentage points (from 83.94 percent in 1990 to 90.44 percent in 1994). This was mainly due to the relative increase in services industry employment, the activity where the gender wage gap is the lowest.     

Trade, capital mobility, and the German labour market

Trade, Capital Mobility, and the German Labour Market. — This paper sets up three structural variants of a general equilibrium model of a small open economy with three sectors (exportables, importables, non-tradables) and three factors (internationally mobile capital and immobile skilled and unskilled labour) in order to analyse the employment and wage effects of globalisation shocks. The model is numerically implemented for West Germany in 1980 on the base of input-output tables and employment data from a random sample of social security accounts. Overall this study indicates that the globalisation process does not have strong effects on unemployment and/or the wage differential in West Germany.     

Employment and Earnings: A Case Study of Urban Detroit

This paper investigates the roles of manufacturing employment, neighborhood poverty, and family structure in determining wages among Detroit, MI workers, just prior to the current economic crisis. Employment in manufacturing has been crucial for blacks and whites: 39% of black and of white men in the Detroit metropolitan area worked in manufacturing in 2000. Regression analysis in this paper estimates employment in manufacturing raised wages 15.8% for all workers in the metropolitan area, 24.4% for blacks and 13.8% for whites. It finds a higher wage penalty (4.7%) for blacks in non-manufacturing industries than is found when manufacturing sector jobs are included (2.6%). Wage returns to education were greater in the non-manufacturing employment sector, especially for blacks. Residence in the poorest central city neighborhoods reduced wages significantly for white manufacturing and non-manufacturing workers. Its coefficient was insignificant for black workers. Gender and marital status effects on wages differed between blacks and whites in magnitude: White women suffered a larger penalty for their sex than black women (22.6 versus 9.6%) yet black men enjoyed a greater return to marriage than white men (27.5 versus 25.0%). Controlling for manufacturing reduced the gender wage gap and the returns to marriage for men. These findings suggest greater accessibility for women; and lower returns to marriage in non-manufacturing sectors. Among employed blacks access to manufacturing jobs has been their main source of decent wages. The adverse effects of the industry??s job loss in the 1980s and 1990s impacted all Detroit residents. Other high wage industries have employed relatively few blacks, have not paid them well; and have suffered job loss and slow growth over the period. Education could have raised wages for non-manufacturing workers, but not as much as access to manufacturing jobs. Today as in 2000, Detroit??s residents desperately need job creation or relocation to the central city; and job training and anti-discrimination policy enforcement throughout the metro-area. All of these would be necessary to offset job loss and reduce inequality and poverty in Detroit. The extent to which blacks will benefit from 2010?C11 improvements in manufacturing employment in Detroit depends upon whether private companies and the state provide equal access to the jobs and the training new technologies require.