民营企业信用缺失的原因和对策

当前,大力发展民营经济已成为一种共识,但我国民营企业的信用状况却不容乐观,信用缺失不但已经成为民营企业发展的瓶颈,而且影响到整个市场经济的运行效率和秩序。民营企业的信用缺失既有外部环境的问题,也有内部管理的问题。为了更好地促进民营企业的信用建设,迫切需要从社会     

关于管理的断想

当今企业的竞争不是几个人才的竞争 ,而是企业整体人员素质的竞争。企业合理的人才结构包括 :一致的品格结构 ;梯形的年龄结构 ;叠加的知识结构 ;互补的能力结构 ;协调的气质结构。     

DSS在企业中的开发与应用构想

本文运用系统工程原理与方法 ,通过分析企业现实系统 ,阐述了建立 DSS的必要性 ,针对我国的实际情况 ,提出了企业 DSS设计的目标 ,构造出一个具有实用价值的企业 DSS结构框架     

入世后我国纺织品出口的制约因素分析

近几年来 ,社会上的一些单位和个人冒用、盗用高校名义从事商业活动 ,使高校名称权受到侵害。无形资产蒙受损失。而现阶段高校名称权保护的法律规范过于零散、粗疏 ,可操作性不强。为此 ,必须加强对高校名称权的立法保护 ,加大对高校名称权保护的执法力度 ,在高校内部建立健全     

会计委派制并非解决会计信息失真问题的有效良策

任何新生事物都离不开利弊分析 ,电子商务也不例外 ,正是从这个逻辑出发 ,本文提出了一种电子商务分析模型 ,它是很多经验的总结 ,运用它可便于从整体上把握电子商务的利弊。并且很多现实中的问题和看法可由本模型来解释。     

农业产业化博弈中的政府:引导抑或误导

农业产业结构的调整,以及相应的农业产业化,主要靠政府“引导”或“主导”,还是靠农民自发进行,是经济转轨时期的重要问题。不少学者认为,为帮助农民,政府必须加以“引导”甚至“主导”(实际上这种思路在基层的政策实践中也非常流行)。但实践证明,政府“引导”往往不仅难以发     

要重视人才合群素质的培养

当代人才 ,必备合群素质。重视人才合群素质培养 ,是新世纪高校德育工作的一个重要课题。本文从理性分析及实践操作二大方面对此问题进行探究     

企业培训系统设计方法论

运用"系统概念"提出一种企业培训系统设计方法,该方法可以提供一种手段,使我们合理地决策:如何构建、设计一个有效果且高效率的企业培训系统。     

财务管理在电子商务时代的变化与发展

电子商务的普及使现有财务管理的对象、筹资管理、投资管理、资金分配、财务分析、财务目标等受到重大影响,发生了诸多变化,要求现有的财务管理理论和实践操作方法应有所改进和发展。     

企业竞争力的要素和原因研究

本文从前提、基础、核心和保障四个方面阐述了企业竞争力的构成要素,认为企业竞争力涵盖敏锐洞悉环境的能力,有效设计制度的能力,快速、持续学习的能力,优化企业形象的能力,并由这四者融合为一体,表现为厚积薄发。     

加入WTO对中国房地产业的影响

伴随着中国加入WTO的前景日趋明朗 ,越来越多的人对入世后我国尚不成熟的房地产业前景担忧。本文就这一问题展开讨论 ,通过对我国居民消费观念、涉外房地产业的发展、房价等多个方面的分析 ,论述了入世给我国房地产业带来的冲击 ,同时也强调了它给我们的机遇。     

加入WTO对我国公众思想观念的影响

加入 WTO,将进一步引发国人思想观念的新变化 ,如促使多元思维、公平竞争观念形成 ,自由平等意识深入人心 ,人本精神得以光大。但我们的思想观念与WTO还有很大的差距 ,为此 ,在观念创新上应完成从封闭到开放、从单向到多维、从守业到开拓、从经验到科学的四个转变 ,以使我们缩短与 WTO的差距 ,更快地融入 WTO。     

Will China's WTO accession worsen farm household incomes?

Many fear China's accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) will impoverish its farmers via greater import competition in its agricultural markets. We explore that possibility bearing in mind that, even if producer prices of some (land-intensive) farm products fall, prices of other (labor-intensive) farm and nonfarm products could rise. New estimates, from the global, economy-wide numerical simulation model known as Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP), of the likely changes in agricultural and other product prices as a result of WTO accession, are drawn on to examine empirically the real income implications of China's WTO accession. The results suggest farm–nonfarm income inequality may well rise within China but rural–urban income inequality need not. The article concludes with some policy suggestions for alleviating any pockets of farm household poverty that may emerge as a result of WTO accession.     

How much did China's WTO accession increase economic growth in resource-rich countries?

We provide an estimate of China's impact on the growth rate of resource-rich countries after its WTO accession on 11 December 2001. Our empirical approach follows the logic of the differences-in-differences estimator. In addition to temporal variation arising from the WTO accession, which we argue was exogenous to other countries' growth trajectories, we exploit spatial variation arising from differences in natural resource wealth. This allows us to compare changes in economic growth in the post-accession period relative to the pre-accession period between countries that were able to benefit from the surge in demand for industrial commodities brought about by China's WTO accession and countries that were less able to do so. We find that roughly one tenth of average annual post-accession growth in resource-rich countries was due to China's increased appetite for commodities. We use this finding to inform the debate about what will happen to economic growth in resource-rich countries as China rebalances and its demand for commodities weakens.     

主动调适与全面参与——中国加入WTO十年来的行为评析

本文认为中国加入WTO十年来的行为可以从主动调适与全面参与两个角度来考察。中国在贸易法律制度、应对模式、市场开放、思想观念等方面的主动调适使得自身逐步跨越与WTO之间存在的体制与观念鸿沟,为中国全面参与WTO的各项活动奠定了良好基础。同时,中国也在努力学习和适应WTO规则及其内部组织运作,全面参与WTO争端解决机制、多哈回合谈判和贸易政策审议,充分利用WTO这个多边舞台维护企业权益和国家利益。     

经济特区立法涉及WT0规则的几个前沿问题

在我国加入世界贸易组织过渡期结束后的历史新时期,对我国经济特区立法涉足WT0规则的一些前沿性问题,需要加强研究。文章对经济特区立法对有关贸易事项和对WTO规则的涉足作了认识上的澄清,提出在立法上要有所作为。当前,经济特区立法还面临协调法域法律冲突这一个前沿性问题,文章提出了尝试运用经济特区授权立法权优势进行协调的建议。     

Explaining rising regionalism and failing multilateralism: consensus decision-making and expanding WTO membership

The beleaguered progress of the Doha Development Agenda of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) presents something of a puzzle for economic theory: if multilateralism is an effective forum for liberalisation (as it has been in the past), then why have the current round of talks faltered amid the proliferation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs)? This paper builds a ‘hub and spoke’ version of the Maggi (Am Econ Rev 89(1):190–213, 1999) model of trade negotiations to shows that the combination of the WTO single-undertaking and consensus decision-making principles with an expanded and more diverse membership can render multilateralism less desirable for hub countries than bilateralism. It is argued that these principles give spoke countries de facto veto power meaning that their threat point during WTO negotiations is a reversion to PTA negotiations between all parties. Accordingly, spoke countries with relatively less to gain from the WTO can use their veto power to extract gains from those that would benefit substantially. If an expanding WTO membership has increased the number of such countries, then the benefits of multilateralism versus regionalism from the perspective of hub counties may have been diminished to such an extent that they are no longer willing to wait for the conclusion of the Doha round before engaging in PTA negotiations.     

Unilateral liberalisation and WTO GATS commitments: the telecommunications sector in selected countries

This paper examines how unilateral liberalisation of the telecommunications sector affected WTO Member countries' commitments in the GATS of the WTO. It is argued from observations and interviews that unilateral liberalisation provides a basis for making WTO commitments. The differing objectives of WTO Members, their attitudes towards reform (strong reformer or lukewarm supporter of reforms), and country-specific sensitivities appear to be factors responsible for the observed differences between unilateral reforms and GATS commitments in the telecommunications sector.     

China and the World Trade Organization

For nine long years China made determined but unsuccessful efforts to rejoin GATT, having gone through 21 rounds of protracted negotiations. China failed to become a founding member of WTO when it superseded GATT in January 1995. In 1989 GATT was about to work out the final terms of protocol for China's entry as a reforming socialist economy. But the Tiananmen event made the developed country members, led by the US, politicize the issue of China's membership. They also wanted to prise open the vast China market as a condition for China's entry; i.e. China to be admitted as a developed economy. China for its part regarded the price of its WTO membership as too exorbitant without being allowed a reasonable timetable for adjustment. Minister Wu Yi considered the US demands ‘absolutely unacceptable’. Hence the impasse over China's WTO membership continued. Apart from the imperative of trade diplomacy, however, the perceived benefits of WTO membership to China are difficult to capture. They are mainly general and long-term in nature, e.g. facilitating China's further economic reform and integrating China into the global economy. However, the costs and risks to China could be considerable, much depending on the exact protocol terms of China's membership. In general many state-owned enterprises and township-village enterprises would suffer from stiffer foreign competition. The effect of WTO on Chinese agriculture would be minimal, while the impact on the manufacturing sector could be quite disruptive. The service sector could fare even worse if no protective measures were to be taken. That explains why China needs to insist on developing-country terms of entry. Without doubt, China will eventually accede to WTO. It is a gross anomaly for this global multilateral trade body to continue excluding China, the world's 11th largest trading nation, on which also hinge the two other great trading entities of Hong Kong and Taiwan. There is increasing awareness of this point in the EU; and it will sooner or later also prevail in Washington.     

Welfare Implications of RTAs Within the WTO System in the Presence of FDI

We examine the welfare implications of the two major types of regional trade agreements (RTAs)—free trade agreements (FTAs) and customs unions (CUs)—within the WTO system in the presence of FDI. To do so, we analyze multilateral tariff cooperation in the context of two types of WTO regimes: a pure WTO regime without any RTAs and a modified WTO regime in which RTAs coexist with the multilateral framework. Our main finding is that in the presence of significant foreign ownership, RTAs within a multilateral system do not raise the national welfare of its members, thereby weakening the incentives of countries to form RTAs.