就业服务指导对就业率影响研究--美国华盛顿州的经验

了解如何对美国华盛顿州就业培训效果进行评估,对中国有效帮助下岗失业人员再就业和低收入人员就业具有相当的借鉴意义。本文的目的是运用非平衡面板数据评估美国华盛顿州就业服务指导和被指导对象个人情况,对25～35岁女性福利受益者就业率的影响。本文提出转移概率（transition probability）模型来解决样本破损、样本更新和时段依赖问题（sample attrition,sample refreshment,duration dependence）。我们的结果表明,只有第一次就业服务对于那些失业人员的就业率有显著的正向影响。我们还发现工作经验越多的越易于找到工作。业人员的就业率有显著的正向影响。我们还发现工作经验越多的越易于找到工作。这些发现说明对失业人员进行的就业培训,可以帮助他们快速找到工作。     

Sample size and the Binomial CUSUM Control Chart: the case of 100% inspection

The Binomial CUSUM is used to monitor the fraction defective (p) of a repetitive process, particularly for detecting small to moderate shifts. The number of defectives from each sample is used to update the monitoring CUSUM. When 100% inspection is in progress, the question arises as to how many sequential observations should be grouped together in forming successive samples. The tabular form of the CUSUM has three parameters: the sample size n, the reference value k, and the decision interval h, and these parameters are usually chosen using statistical or economic-statistical criteria, which are based on Average Run Length (ARL). Unlike earlier studies, this investigation uses steady-state ARL rather than zero-state ARL, and the occurrence of the shift can be anywhere within a sample. The principal finding is that there is a significant gain in the performance of the CUSUM when the sample size (n) is set at one, and this CUSUM might be termed the Bernoulli CUSUM. The advantage of using n=1 is greater for larger shifts and for smaller values of in-control ARL. First version: September 1998/Third revision: September 2000     

Political culture and foreign direct investment: The case of Italy

Does the political culture of an area have any impact on the foreign direct investment (FDI) decisions of multinational corporations (MNCs)? This question is difficult to address empirically, as locations differ in many dimensions. We therefore address this question by examining MNC investment location decisions with regard to different regions within a single country. The country we examine is Italy, which exhibits one of the highest levels of variation with regard to the political culture of its geographical regions. We find that political culture as represented by the pattern of support for political parties at different points on the political spectrum has a significant impact on the MNC investment location decision. Thus, in choosing between locations on a short list, where economic and financial location factors are roughly similar, political culture can have a determining influence. In the case of Italy, a Center-right orientation is conducive to MNC FDI, while a Center-left orientation is not. A Far-left orientation is found to have a very negative effect on FDI.     

Incumbency preservation through electoral legislation: The case of the secret ballot

The secret ballot was designed to eliminate the incentive for candidates to purchase votes through direct vote buying. When voters have private information on their candidate preferences, incumbent candidates will generally be less efficient in purchasing votes than their challengers. Incumbent candidates may therefore benefit from the elimination of direct vote purchasing. Viewed in this vein, passage of secret ballot laws by state legislatures can be seen as an institutional mechanism to protect their incumbency advantage, rather than as an act of necessary electoral reform to create fair elections and protect democracy. Submitted: May 25, 1999 / Accepted: July 24, 2000     

Information distortion and competitive remedies in government transfer programs: The case of ethanol

This paper reconsiders the analogy between competitive markets and the political process that is central to much of the literature on the efficiency of government transfers. The key problem is that property rights in politics are much less well defined than they are in competitive markets. As the paper outlines, obtaining accurate information about the benefits and costs of transfers is likely to be much more difficult than envisioned in the literature. Investigators, as well as general voters, often must rely on the government and competing parties for provision of information about underlying program parameters and functional relationships. We argue that politicians and the affected interest groups have incentives to limit and distort the information that is released to voters and that political competition is unlikely to be an effective counter. In developing the argument, a theoretical framework is provided and applied in a case study of the ethanol transfer. The documented efforts to disguise the actual costs and benefits of the program are important for gaining a broader understanding of the functioning and costs of government transfers in the economy.     

Profit, productivity and distribution: Differences across organizational forms - The case of Spanish banks

We examine variations in financial and economic performance as a function of organizational form, and, over time. The forms we consider include Spanish commercial banks, savings banks, and financial cooperatives. We decompose multilateral variation in operating profit, our measure of financial performance, into price and quantity effects. We then decompose the latter into a margin effect and productivity change. Our measure of economic performance, productivity variation, is subsequently disaggregated into technical, cost efficiency, and scale. We find that deregulation and liberalization have acted to narrow performance gaps among organizational forms; this, despite less-than compelling evidence that increased competition has contributed to this convergence. For the Spanish banking system as a whole, the margin effect appears to deliver twice as much financial benefit as do improvements in productivity. Importantly, this finding does not vary across organizational form. Such regularity has an important implication: Incentives for growth are apparently provided by a positive margin rather than by the more elusive benefits of economies of scale and improved cost efficiency.     

Producing solidarity in social media activism: The case of My Stealthy Freedom

Solidarity, i.e., an individual's feelings of devotion and commitment to others in a collective, is one of the defining features of social movements. It is regarded as a key motivator of collective action in that it collectivizes what would otherwise remain individual experiences and emotions. However, as social movements are increasingly relying on Internet technology, particularly social media, for instrumental and expressive communication, some question whether solidarity plays any role in e-movements at all. Others propose that new forms of solidarity are developing in these mediated environments. Since most prior research fails to account for the role of physical bodies in online social movements, the objective of this paper is to explore the roles and forms of solidarity in contemporary social movements that hybridize online and physically-embodied action. To this end, we develop a multi-faceted and practice-based definition of solidarity through which we read two configurations of a social movement called My Stealthy Freedom (MySF), which opposes the compulsory veiling laws (i.e., hijab) in Iran. In both enactments of MySF, the activists' physical bodies played a significant role in the social movement's online presence but the forms of solidarity they produced differed. We therefore theorize the role of materiality – particularly social media and activists' physical bodies –in social media activism.