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1.
A bstract . A previous paper in this Journal presented a resource mobilization-political opportunities paradigm about violent revolution in the Third World. Key propositions put forward in the previous paper find empirical support in a study of the Nicaraguan revolution. In keeping with the paradigm, the Nicaraguan revolution occurred after a period of economic growth during which urbanization, school enrollments, and the size of the middle class increased. Also consistent with the paradigm was the existence of an organization of professional revolutionaries espousing a Marxist-Leninist ideology which received resources from abroad, especially from Castro's Cuba. The Sandinista National Liberation Front put into practice a number of strategems which the paradigm considers to be promising in a revolution, including staging paralyzing acts of institutional disruption , enlisting the aid of social and economic elites , and deceiving the public and its allies about the true goals of the organization. Also, the FSLN was adept at exploiting political opportunities and realignments which left the Somoza regime weakened and vulnerable.  相似文献   

2.
新民主主义革命时期党的国家审计思想是中国共产党在运用马克思主义政治经济学分析根据地审计实践过程中形成的经验总结,是中国共产党百年审计思想史的重要组成部分。在理论上认识和阐述新民主主义革命时期中国共产党国家审计思想的理论依据,总结国家审计思想的理论创新,不仅是当前国家审计理论研究的重要任务,也是构建中国特色社会主义政治经济学理论体系的重要任务。马克思主义政治经济学关于国家、财政与监督的理论是中国共产党国家审计思想的基本理论依据。基于马克思主义政治经济学的理论基础,中国共产党从中国实际出发,在战争中艰难探索,努力实现国家审计思想的理论创新。新民主主义革命时期党的国家审计思想的理论创新涵盖四个维度:一是坚持马克思主义政治经济学的理论基础,二是坚持党领导审计监督工作的政治基础,三是坚持审计监督为人民服务的群众基础,四是坚持新民主主义道路的审计实践基础。  相似文献   

3.
传统的大规模生产模式组织构架,不适应大规模定制模式的要求,因此向大规模定制转变有必要变革传统的组织构架。基于大规模定制组织变革的趋势是:以创造和传递个性化的客户价值为导向、以流程为中心的组织变革趋势、柔性化趋势、组织结构的模块化、扁平化变革趋势、网络化变革趋势等等。  相似文献   

4.
In analysing and criticising current UK economic strategy Brian Towers comments that the present level of mass unemployment is the most serious economic, social and political problem to face the developed countries—and with devastating consequences for the Third World—since the end of the Second World War. Yet a large part of the explanation for the deepening recession lies in the policies of individual states with support from several international economic organisations, notably the IMF.  相似文献   

5.
The documented link between natural resources and civil conflict is not well understood. This paper uses a political economy framework to explore the prevalence of resource-based civil conflict driven by group-level discontent. The theoretical model proposed here offers a policy-based explanation: under conditions related to the quality of governance, discontent about resource management can affect the likelihood of an insurgency. Resource policy arises endogenously as the corrupt government trades-off industry contributions and the cost induced by manifestations of resource-related discontent. The conservation effects of civil unrest are analyzed and government corruption emerges as an important determinant of conflict. The paper also presents some empirical support for the model’s predictions.  相似文献   

6.
In Western countries, HRM strategies, policies and practices commonly develop in a gradual and incremental “evolutionary” way, but unforeseen domestic or external events can also engender “revolutionary” rapid changes. This paper reviews the major evolutionary and revolutionary changes arising from internal and external sources that Israel has experienced since the founding of the State in 1948, which stem primarily from the political, economic, societal and technological spheres. Israel's HRM has been required to take on new roles to adjust to these changes. A set of propositions derived from a 2-dimensional conceptual model associating source (internal/external) with nature (evolutionary/revolutionary) of change is put forward to account for HRM responses and operations in Israel.  相似文献   

7.
The advanced extent of political intervention in the financial markets of developing countries as a direct deterrent to growth. State-run central banks distort the market allocation of funds and divert them from their most productive use. Professor Lawrence White, of New York University, argues for the privatisation of the world's central banks to stimulate growth, especially in the Third World.  相似文献   

8.
A bstract Traditional neoclassical theory treats the economic sphere as if it can be detached from its surrounding social and political environment. It assumes connections between the social/political spheres and the economic sphere are weak, and no change of significance occurs in the social and political environment during the period considered Social and political conditions are treated as "given" and, more often than not, the conditions of this given environment are neither specified nor studied A broader economics is needed
The Virginia School has represented a connection between political control and distributive outcomes with its rent-seeking analysis The flaw in their argument, that exposes their ideological bent, is their failure to extend the analysis to the distributive impact of control in the social sphere. This piece is an attempt to make that extension, and to demonstrate that a specific historical case, women s experience in World War II , cannot be fully understood without bringing that social dimension into the analysis  相似文献   

9.
A bstract . Nobel Laureate James Buchanan and his colleagues and followers have applied the tools and methods of neoclassical economics to the study of politics , developing the theory of Public Choice , the economic study of non market decision-making. In an effort to subject this hypothetical system to empirical validation, it is confronted with the phenomena of Ayatollah Khomeini's "ideal" Islamic State as described in the leader of Iranian theocracy's writings and as developed in contemporary Iran. The prophet Muhammad recognized no separation of politics and religion , of church and state. Faith in Islam required faith not only in the oneness of God and Muhammad's prophethood but also in the prophet's religious, moral, legal and political commands. Khomeini's revolutionary heterodoxy views his theocratic despotism as establishing the rule of the "just jurists"—the upper echelons of the clergy—and makes them and property owners the beneficiaries. Thus it is not "class neutral" as Public Choice theory requires.  相似文献   

10.
The Common Agricultural Policy of the European Economic Community threatens to pull Europe apart. Seven eminent German economists, the Kronberger Kreis, demonstrate the political and economic tailings of the CAP. They argue in this short version prepared by Dr klaus Peter Krause of a book to be published in German that without radical reform the CAP will continue to generate massive wastage, subvent the efforts of farmers throughout the Community, provoke widespread political tension both inside and outside the Community, and force unnecessarily high prices on consumers. Two British commentators examine the importance of the Kronberger Kreis Supplement for the agricultural markets in Europe and the Third World.  相似文献   

11.
A bstract . Electoral democracy and revolutionary violence are both forms of political competition involving leaders vying for public office. Political leaders seek benefit from public position. By redefining those benefits into concepts of profit and costs , a rational choice framework can give an ordering of those types of political competition which are of the greatest value to officeholders, assuming that they are profit-maximizers. The ordering that result conforms to the definition of prisoner's dilemma and creates a game theoretic matrix based on leader's choices of either electoral or violent competition. The result is an explanation of various modes of political competition. The analysis draws on experimental work on prisoner's dilemma and on empirical material drawn from Latin American politics. Revolution, democracy, and dictatorship are shown to be varieties of a basic cost-benefit analysis of political leaders.  相似文献   

12.
  • Organizations can be seen as rigid, rewarding conformity not creativity. Managing the creative team or individual can be challenging. This paper contributes to this special issue of the International Journal of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing by addressing ways to manage creativity in an organization, as well as to creatively market the organization. It presents a case study of an organization based in Germany in the 1920s, the Bauhaus. This art and craft organization achieved extraordinary creative output in just over a decade of operation, during the devastation of post World War I. This paper demonstrates how its leader managed the creativity of the staff and students and creatively marketed the organization despite a lack of funds and the desperate shortage of resources. The Bauhaus provides a key lesson for contemporary marketers and managers in developing the characteristics of organizations that nurture creativity and the creative individual.
Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

13.
A bstract .   At the end of the 19th century, Georges Vacher de Lapouge and Otto Ammon founded a school of thought denominated "social anthropology" or "anthropo-sociology," aimed at placing racism on a scientific basis. Their intent was to create a new discipline into which the themes of biological heredity, natural selection, social stratification, and political organization were to converge. This paper intends to demonstrate the wide resonance that anthroposociology had in the economic literature, analyzing the thought of authors such as Carlos C. Closson, Vilfredo Pareto, and Thorstein Veblen. A particular focus will be on the racial and eugenic arguments used as explanation of social and economic inequality.  相似文献   

14.
A bstract . The concept of equilibrium plays a pivotal role in the neoclassical maximization theory. Equilibrium, or balance of forces, is an ethically neutral term, while optimum is a position considered by the decision-maker as the most desirable, according to some predetermined criteria of optimality. Disequilibrium can be defined as a divergence between the actual and the desired performance. Within this context, the optimum position is attained when the ideal and actual values of the crucial variables measuring performance coincide. Disequilibrium analysis can be expressed in terms of the theory of discontent. Socio-economic change caused by human decisions and actions is always rooted in discontent, which leads to determination to act. This determination, or will , is one necessary condition for change. The other necessary condition is the use of power to close the discontent gap. The coincidence of power to act and will to use it is a sufficient condition for change. To what extent a new equilibrium balancing aspirations and attainments is established depends on the relationship between the rate of change in the level of aspiration and the rate of change in the level of attainment. The theory of discontent has a much broader application to economics which is elaborated.  相似文献   

15.
Creating the Accessible City   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
A bstract . Programs and proposals for socially integrating disabled and elderly people have, traditionally, not received a great deal of support. To a limited extent this is changing. A number of social and political factors produced a unique task force in the Houston area which sought to capitalize on the depressed state of real estate and develop independent living situations for disabled people. A study detailed the extent to which large urban areas like Houston become "invisible jails" for the handicapped. The elders and the disabled are often trapped in restrictive living units and are unable to gain access to a city's resources by transportation systems not adapted for them. Several opportunities for creating a barrier free environment were found in an over built residential sector. The responsibilities of urban areas for providing opportunities for all residents are considered.  相似文献   

16.
The slum area of Quarantina formed part of Beirut near the coast. Migrants of disparate origins—nomads (Bedouins from Saudi Arabia), Kurds from Turkey, Palestinian refugees, Syrian labourers and uprooted Lebanese peasants from the south-settled on land belonging to state officials and to religious institutions, and gradually built up a network of marginal economic and social life. They soon became considered as dangerous social outcasts—as the pariahs of Christian eastern Beirut and of the Lebanese social hierarchy. Although providing the surrounding industries with a consistent labour force, their activities were feared because of subversive political implications. Communication between Palestinian camps and slum areas of Beirut led to raised political consciousness among the Quarantina inhabitants: the ideology of the Palestinian revolution became the symbol of a new struggle. The interlinking of both causes, that of the Lebanese masses and that of the Palestinian refugees, precipitated the repressive action taken by the conservative forces. Quarantina contained an insignificant proportion of Palestinians; nevertheless its inhabitants could possibly organize into embryonic revolutionary movements and give birth to urban guerilla warfare. The slum also obstructed the expansion of the Christian quarter of Achrafieh and impeded the partition projects of the right-wing Phalangist party. The repressive action meted out to the urban population of Quarantina took a particularly violent form. The men were massacred, shot down before their families. The dwellings were plundered. The site, cleared of its ‘gangrene’, is now ready for the construction of a new tourist complex.  相似文献   

17.
This article engages in the debate on urban contentious politics by returning to the Tunisian revolution. In the article, I chart movements provoked by neoliberal restructurings, and show how these ultimately came together to form a mass movement demanding radical political change. I first describe the socio‐spatial roots of the Tunisian revolution to understand its dynamics. Based on the chronology of the unfolding events I sketch the classes, social groups and movements that coalesced against authoritarian rule in early 2011. Although the Tunisian revolution started in rural environments, I focus more specifically on the role of urban social movements in the uprising to link questions of urbanism to what were clearly national revolts. Secondly, I outline the scope of neoliberal reforms in Tunisia by looking at the impact of these reforms to chart the resulting emergence of contentious politics in response to the increasing violence that characterized all levels of economic life during this period. I also consider the resulting uneven development and the changing relations between the state and the different social classes. This enables me to reflect on the politicization of the city with the aim of opening up new opportunities for engaging with a more comparative and cosmopolitan theory about cities around the world.  相似文献   

18.
谈美琴 《价值工程》2011,30(2):237-237
随着我国计算机网络的普及,全国信息自由化程度在不断的提高。这就给网络时代下的高校团组织思想政治工作带来了前所未有的挑战与机遇。一方面在海量自由化信息面前高校学生的思想政治倾向受到不良影响与干扰的可能性空前提高,另一方面借助于网络平台思想政治宣传的广泛性也得到了显著拓展。本文将就网络时代背景下的高校团组织思想政治工作所遇到的挑战与机遇展开分析与论述。  相似文献   

19.
The origins of contemporary supra-national power go back to the second British Empire, which, unlike the first, faced organized labor as a potential revolutionary force. The formation of the Rhodes–Milner Group was meant to better manage the formation of the public mood, and the Boer War in South Africa demanded close integration of imperial affairs. A central figure in the Rhodes–Milner Group, Lord Esher, was also the architect of the Committee of Imperial Defense, created to take up the latter task. Esher's idea of a secretariat confidentially preparing solutions to issues of the day before they emerged in the public domain was introduced into the structure of international organizations after World War I and the Russian Revolution. Escher also laid the foundations of today's model of transnational politics in which groups such as Bilderberg or the Trilateral Commission and many others, shape certain areas of consensus before the public is allowed to make its voice heard. In this process, the circumvention of democracy has assumed the nature of an outright assault on it. In the process the World Economic Forum, formally joining forces with the United Nations, has become the most visible supranational body applying direct rule.  相似文献   

20.
A multiphase study involving 1,285 respondents was conducted to answer an important yet overlooked question: for a job requiring frequent informal communication with superiors, should an organization focus more on selecting employees with higher trait‐like willingness to communicate or on providing an environment where the flow of communication is easy and aided? We found support for the latter. Further, we observed that subordinates alter their communication behaviors based on the perception of superior's power, politics in the organization, and their own political skills. The study contributes to a better understanding of how situational variables affect subordinate‐superior upward communication. Implications of the study are also discussed. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.  相似文献   

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