Is self-employment really a bad experience? : The effects of previous self-employment on subsequent wage-employment wages

We use propensity score matching methods to quantify the effects of past self-employment experience on subsequent earnings in dependent employment using data on the population of Danish men observed between 1990 and 1996. Our results generally confirm existing studies in that we find that a spell of self-employment is associated with lower hourly wages compared to workers who were consecutively wage-employed. We also show, however, that this effect disappears—and even becomes positive in some settings—for formerly self-employed who find dependent employment in the same sector as their self-employment sector. Hence, the on average negative effect of self-employment is rather caused by sector switching than by the self-employment experience per se. Moreover, formerly self-employed who either enjoyed a high income or hired at least one worker during their self-employment spell receive wages in subsequent dependent employment that are at least as high as for individuals who have been consecutively wage-employed.     

The Making of Entrepreneurs in Germany: Are Native Men and Immigrants Alike?

This paper uses a state of the art three-stage estimation technique to identify the determinants of the self-employed immigrant and native men in Germany. Their making is surprisingly alike. Employing data from the German Socioeconomic Panel 2000 (GSOEP) release we find that self-employment is not significantly affected by exposure to Germany or by human capital. But this choice has a very strong intergenerational link and it is also related to homeownership and financial worries. While individuals are strongly pulled into self-employment if it offers higher earnings, immigrants are additionally pushed into self-employment when they feel discriminated. Married immigrants are more likely to go into self-employment, but less likely when they have young children. Immigrants with foreign passports living in ethnic households are more likely self-employed than native Germans. The earnings of self-employed men increase with exposure to Germany, hours worked and occupational prestige; they decrease with high regional unemployment to vacancies ratios. Everything else equal, the earnings of self-employed Germans are not much different from the earnings of the self-employed immigrants, including those who have become German citizens. However, immigrants suffer a strong earnings penalty if they feel discriminated against while they receive a premium if they are German educated.     

The best and the brightest or the least successful? Self-employment entry among male wage-earners in Sweden

This paper analyzes self-employment entry among Swedish-born male wage-earners. Is it the best and the brightest or the least successful that become self-employed? The residual from an income regression is used as an indicator of who belongs to which group. We find that both wage-earners who receive a lower income than predicted, i.e. have a negative residual, and those who receive a higher income than predicted, i.e. have a positive residual, are more likely to become self-employed than those who receive an income close to the predicted one. However, splitting self-employment into different types depending on corporate form and number of employees, we find that the self-employed are drawn from both tails of the residual distribution only if it is a matter of unincorporated firms. Wage-earners who become self-employed and start an incorporated firm are only drawn from the top of the residual distribution. Using self-employment income and turnover as measures of self-employment performance, we find a positive linear relationship between the income residual and performance.     

The effect of education and experience on self-employment success

The impact of education on the business success of an entrepreneur has been the subject of much discussion and speculation in both the popular and academic press. The literature is full of folklore focusing on the high-school drop out who made it big in the business world armed with an education from the school of hard knocks. Until recently this was part of the myth surrounding entrepreneurship. The myth takes shape in three basic areas. The first looks at the entrepreneur's level of education relative to the general public. The second area addresses the effect of education on people becoming entrepreneurs on a macro level. Do people with higher levels of education start more businesses than people with less education, does it increase the probability of becoming an entrepreneur? The third area concerns the micro-economic effect on individual entrepreneurs. Does education help an entrepreneur succeed?Past research on education and entrepreneurship consists mostly of institutional studies at universities with established programs. These offer good support for the outcome of educational programs. However, these studies are poorly circulated and seldom published because of the limited sample sizes (McMullan (1988) summarized several such studies). In this study the literature is reviewed in three areas mentioned above and new information on the relationships between education, experience, and self-employment is provided.The empirical part of this study examines the effect of education and experience using U.S. census data. Self-employment is used as a surrogate for entrepreneurship and the analysis controlled for farmers and professionals (medical doctors, lawyers, accountants, etc.) so that it would more closely fit our conception of an entrepreneur. Earnings potential was used as a measure of success. We recognize that success is a subjective experience based on one's expectations and actual outcomes; however, we believe that earnings provided a global indicator of success that is quantifiable relative to the sample used. Four specific hypotheses were generated and tested using the data.The first hypothesis (Self-employed have more years of formal education than those who do not work for themselves.) was confirmed with the years of education for the self-employed being 14.57 years for all workers, 14.71 years for males, and 14.13 years for female workers. Wage and salaried workers came in nearly one full year lower with: 13.58 years for all worked, 13.73 for male workers, and 13.40 for female workers.Hypothesis two (The number of years of formal education will increase the probability of becoming self-employed.) was supported with the probability of becoming self employed increasing by 0.8% for each year of education providing a significant relationship (t = 32.11 for all workers, t = 21.95 for males, and t = 20.76 for females, p < .0001 for all three).Hypothesis three (The relationship between years of formal education and success of the self-employed, as well as the general population will be positive and significant.) was supported using the “Beta” coefficients in a “Probit” regression model, indicating that self-employment and wage and salaried earnings increase significantly for each year of education. Self-employment earnings increased $1207.63 a year for each year of education ($1212.76 for males and $414.81 for females). Wage and salaried workers earnings increased $825.99a year for each year of education ($1023.33 for males and $369.37 for females).Hypothesis four (The relationship between experience and self-employment success will be positive and significant, but weaker than the impact of education.) was supported. All self-employed workers, both male and female, had over two years more experience than their wage and salaried counterparts. There is a strong positive relationship between self-employment and both experience and earnings with the exception of self-employed females whose experience did not significantly impact their earnings.In conclusion, a general education has a strong positive influence on entrepreneurship in terms of becoming self-employed and success. Experience has a similar relationship although not as strong. Future studies need to examine the impact of specific types of education, such as business school or entrepreneurship classes, on the entrepreneurial outcomes in the studies.     

Labour market institutions,learning and self-employment

We develop a dynamic partial-equilibrium model to analyse how labour market institutions (wage compression, minimum wages, unemployment benefits, mobility costs and fixed-costs of self-employment) and learning affect who and when people become self-employed. We find that certain ability groups of workers become self-employed for both “carrot” and “stick” reasons: Some prefer self-employment to the low institutionalised wage, while others are not productive enough to qualify for a job at the institutionalised wage. Furthermore, wage compression and learning may give rise to a class of switchers who start in wage employment and later switch to self-employment. Several predictions of the model are consistent with observed empirical regularities, such as the existence of a group of low-skilled self-employed workers, the increasing propensity for self-employment over age groups and the larger spread in earnings among self-employed.     

Are the self-employed really jacks-of-all-trades? Testing the assumptions and implications of Lazear’s theory of entrepreneurship with German data

Using a large representative German data set and various concepts of self-employment, this paper tests the “jack-of-all-trades” view of entrepreneurship by Lazear (Am Econ Rev 94(2): 208–211, 2004). Consistent with its theoretical assumptions we find that self-employed individuals perform more tasks and that their work requires more skills than that of paid employees. In contrast to Lazear’s assumptions, however, self-employed individuals do not just need more basic but also more expert skills than employees. Our results also provide rather limited support for the idea that human capital investment patterns differ between those who become self-employed and those ending up in paid employment.     

The Determinants of Latent Entrepreneurship in Japan

This paper examines regional characteristics affecting the latent entrepreneurship in Japan, focusing on regional macroeconomic indicators, existing density of establishments and human capital, and business start-up assistance programs by local governments. We define two types of people having the latent entrepreneurship as follows (1) persons merely wishing to be a self-employed worker, and (2) persons preparing to be a self-employed worker out of the former definition. Total cash earnings and the unemployment rate, which are the macro economic indicators, had positive effects on latent entrepreneurship in Japan. Judging from the significance of their estimations, the latent entrepreneurship is explained by the “Push hypothesis”. If we examine the problem more closely, it is necessary for us to identify government assistance programs which make the latent entrepreneurs more self-employment.     

Ethnic enclaves and the earnings of self-employed Latinos

In the investigation reported here, I have tested the ethnic enclave hypothesis, focusing on self-employed Cuban and Mexican immigrants. Specifically, I have compared the economic returns for self-employed Cuban immigrants in Florida with those of Mexican immigrants in California and Texas. The analysis shows that self-employed Mexican immigrants who remain within Mexican enclaves earn substantially lower earnings than those in non-enclave environments. In contrast, the earnings of Cuban immigrants self-employed within Cuban enclaves are comparable to those earned by Cubans employed within the general labor market. Overall, my findings are contrary to the ethnic enclave hypothesis, which suggests that there are economic advantages associated with owning firms in ethnic enclaves.     

Measuring entrepreneurship over time

This article is a review of three measurement issues that impact the study of entrepreneurship over time: (1) level of analysis difference between firms and individuals, (2) differences between rate and stock measures, and (3) the effects of choosing particular time frames on subsequent analytical results. Based on theory that views entrepreneurship as depending on ownership rights (Hawley 1907), this article develops a longitudinal measure of entrepreneurship in the United States—the number of organizations per capita. The problems and advantages of using a measure based on organizations per capita as an indicator of entrepreneurship is examined.Understanding how and what is being measured in studies of changes in entrepreneurship over time is an important issue for academic researchers and public policy makers. Measurement of changes in entrepreneurship over time can shed light on important research questions and public policy issues about entrepreneurship. For example, is entrepreneurship increasing in the United States? If entrepreneurship is increasing, is this trend comparable to any previous time periods, or is the current increase in entrepreneurship a new or unique social phenomenon? What influences changes in entrepreneurship over time?The choice of certain measures of entrepreneurship is likely to influence the answers to these questions. For example, the measures used in an entrepreneurship study are an implicit specification of one's views of entrepreneurship (e.g., entrepreneurship as self-employment or firm creation), and few measures of entrepreneurship reflect critical changes in important environmental influences (e.g., technological change) because of short measurement time frames. Therefore, determining the contribution of entrepreneurship to the well-being of an economy is dependent on understanding what measures of entrepreneurship are utilized for making these evaluations and the time frame used for these measures.We review three measurement issues that impact the study of entrepreneurship over time: (1) level of analysis differences between firms and individuals, (2) differences between rate and stock measures, and (3) the effects of choosing particular time frames on subsequent analytical results. Based on theory that views entrepreneurship as depending on ownership rights (Hawley 1907) this article develops a longitudinal measure of entrepreneurship in the United States—the number of organizations per capita.Studies of entrepreneurship focus on either individual level activity (e.g., self-employment) or on firm level activity (e.g., new incorporations). Self-employment research focuses on individuals who employ themselves; that is, individuals who report wages, but not wages paid to them by other individuals or organizations. In most studies of the self-employed, firm founders would, therefore, be classified as wage earners and not as entrepreneurs. New firm research focuses on the rate of new firm entrants, typically measured as new incorporations, so such businesses as proprietorships or partnerships will not be counted.A rate is a change from one state to another (e.g., the number of people who become self-employed for a specific year, or the number of new firms created for a specific year), whereas a stock specifies a particular level (e.g., much like a stock of inventory), such as the number of self-employed, or a particular number of firms, for a specific time period. It is important to recognize that entry into business does not necessarily guarantee remaining in business. For example, although the number of people who become self-employed may increase for a specific year, the number of people who remain self-employed may actually decrease if more of the self-employed fail to remain in business than those that enter. The stock of the self-employed can decrease if the outflow of self-employed is greater than the inflow. For those persons interested in whether entrepreneurial activity results in wealth creation (either individually or societally), the realization that entry into business may not lead to a sustainable business (and therefore no creation of wealth) should be a signal that measuring rates of business formation and rates of self-employment may not be appropriate for this type of research.The factors that drive changes in the rate of entrepreneurship are not likely to be manifest over short timeperiods. Changes in values, attitudes, technology, government regulations, and world economic and social changes have a significant influence on changes in entrepreneurship over time. Studies that have measured entrepreneurship over recent time periods are, therefore, likely to miss the influence of these variables.We introduce a measure of entrepreneurship (organizations per capita) based on a theory of entrepreneurship as ownership. This measure shows the stock of organizations in the U.S. economy over time (from 1857 to 1992). The problems and advantages of using a measure based on organizations per capita as an indicator of entrepreneurship is examined. We conclude with some suggestions for improving entrepreneurship research by recognizing the limitations of particular longitudinal entrepreneurship measures and by challenging the field to seek convergent validity among measures.     

Entrepreneurship and Earnings among Young Adults from Disadvantaged Families

Academicians and policymakers have argued that entrepreneurship provides a route out of poverty and an alternative to unemployment or discrimination in the labor market. Existing research, however, provides little evidence from longitudinal data on the relationship between business ownership and economic advancement for disadvantaged groups. I use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) to examine the earnings of young business owners from disadvantaged families and make comparisons to young wage/salary workers from disadvantaged families. For young men from disadvantaged families, I find some evidence that self-employed business owners earn more than wage/salary workers. In contrast, I find that for young women from disadvantaged families business owners earn less than wage/salary workers. The results from these earnings comparisons are somewhat sensitive to the use of different measures of income and econometric models.     

Entrepreneurship and welfare

Here, I examine returns to entrepreneurship using a standard measure of welfare, the per-capita consumption expenditure. This analysis, using quantile regressions, reveals the existence of a welfare hierarchy in occupations. The results suggest that, across the welfare distribution, entrepreneurs who employ others have the highest returns in terms of consumption, while those entrepreneurs who work for themselves, that is, self-employed individuals, have slightly lower returns than the salaried employees. However, self-employment entails higher returns than casual labor and a relative escape from poverty.     

Job dissatisfaction of the self-employed in Indonesia

In developed countries, the self-employed have been found to be more satisfied with their jobs than paid employees. We found the exact opposite for a developing country after analyzing 8732 respondents in the Indonesian Family Life Survey. The job dissatisfaction of the self-employed was not fully explained by earnings, personal traits, job characteristics, anticipation, or adaptation, but mostly by segregation into a small number of industries with few job benefits. This finding is consistent with the dual labor market theory. We also found that among the self-employed, those with the highest probability of being paid employees were the least satisfied. Paid employment was highly sought after in developing countries, and these were presumably self-employed workers with high abilities. This finding cannot be explained by the dual labor market theory alone. To explain this inconsistency, we enriched this theory with relative deprivation. Our results suggest that the existence of the dual labor market and relative deprivation are important determinants of the job satisfaction of the self-employed in developing countries.     

Do entrepreneurs really earn less?

Based on large representative German household survey data, we compare incomes of the self-employed with those of paid employees. We find that the entrepreneurial income gap is largest for those holding a tertiary degree, but in two directions: positive for employers (self-employed with further employees) and negative for solo entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurs holding a tertiary degree also face the greatest income variation. However, some solo self-employed earn more than their employed counterparts, in particular those with a university entrance degree as the highest level of education.     

Entrepreneurship as a utility maximizing response

Research on entrepreneurship has investigated what entrepreneurs do, what happens when they act as entrepreneurs, and why they act as entrepreneurs. This paper contributes to the latter investigation, and specifically asks why some people choose to be entrepreneurs, while others choose to be employees. Responding to prior literature recognizing the lack of a coherent theory of entrepreneurship and calling for a rigorous examination of the decision to become an entrepreneur, this paper presents an economic model of the career decision. We postulate that the individual chooses an entrepreneurial career path, or a career as an employee, or some combination of the two, according to which career path promises maximal utility (or psychic satisfaction).We assume that the individual's utility from any particular occupation, whether self-employed or employed, depends on income (which depends in turn on ability), as well as working conditions such as decision-making control, risk exposure, work effort required, and other working conditions (net perquisites) associated with that occupation. Individuals will exhibit either preference or aversion towards each of the specified working conditions, and it is the degree of that preference or aversion, in conjunction with the quantum of each working condition, which determines the total utility that the individual will derive from each particular occupation.We show that all employees will have an incentive to be self-employed (if they could assemble the same resources as their employer). Also, the greater their managerial and entrepreneurial ability, the greater will be their incentive to be self-employed, other things being equal. Next, we show that a more positive attitude to work (i.e., a lesser aversion to work effort required) provides a greater incentive to be self-employed.The individual's degree of risk aversion also influences the choice to be an entrepreneur. The more tolerant one is of risk bearing, the greater the incentive to be self-employed. Similarly, the greater the preference for independence, or decision-making control, the greater the incentive to be self-employed. Finally, it is noted that perquisites (and avoidance of irksome elements) can potentially be controlled to a greater degree when self-employed, so the individual will consider the differences in these other working conditions when contemplating a career choice.But it is the sum of the utility and disutility from these sources which determines the career decision. Thus, we demonstrate that positive attitudes toward risk, work, and independence are neither necessary nor sufficient conditions for a person to want to be an entrepreneur. Entrepreneurial abilities and attitudes are desirable in employment situations, therefore, an employer may choose to bribe an entrepreneurial individual to be an employee by offering more income and greater independence, for example.We demonstrate that firms recruiting employees, or venture capitalists considering funding an entrepreneur, should in their own best interests investigate the person's attitudes toward income, risk, work, and independence as well as their abilities, as these attitudes underpin the person's worth as an employee and their incentive to be self-employed. Management educators should design programs which enhance the entrepreneurial abilities and attitudes of individuals, and the individuals themselves should consider their `attitudinal' make-up before committing to entrepreneurship.     

Tax policy and entrepreneurship: empirical evidence from Sweden

This paper examines the relationship between income taxes and the decision to become self-employed using data from Sweden. By making it possible to track a large number of individuals over extended time periods and across a number of tax rate changes while controlling for important additional determinants, available tax-return information from Sweden allows for statistical estimation of the influence that income taxes have on the probability of becoming self-employed. The changing tax rate structure combined with the fact that the Swedish tax system does not provide additional tax benefits to small-business entrepreneurs compared with those who work as employees provides a powerful setting through which to examine the tax rate structure’s influence on individuals’ choice to become self-employed. Contrary to many earlier studies based on US data, this paper finds that both average and marginal taxes have a negative impact on the decision to become self-employed.     

Personal strain and ethical standards of the self-employed

Using strain theory to examine the relationship between sources of personal strain and ethical standards, we study how variations in the self-employed's household income, educational level, associational membership, and trust in institutions link to the extent to which they maintain high ethical standards. We test our hypotheses using data from 3716 self-employed persons across 39 countries. The self-employed's ethical standards relate positively to their household income and trust in institutions but negatively to their educational level and associational membership. A supplementary exploratory analysis provides further insights into how broader cultural and institutional contexts in which the self-employed are embedded might influence the relationship between sources of personal strain and ethical standards.     

浅析企业所得税费用的确认和计量

所得税会计关系着国家税款征收和企业收益分配。它主要是针对会计与税收处理规定的不同造成的资产、负债的账面价值与其计税基础的差异。如何确认相关的递延所得税,以及如何确定利润表中应予确认的所得税费用是本文论述的重点。     

The private financial gains to entrepreneurship: Is it a good use of public money to encourage individuals to become entrepreneurs?

Recent evidence comparing earnings from entrepreneurship versus wage earning shows that, after allowing for obvious observable differences, most entrepreneurs in most developed countries earn less than similar wage-earning employees. Does this mean that the decision to become an entrepreneur should be discouraged? The answer depends in part on whether we believe that entrepreneurs report their income truthfully or not. Adjusting for what is considered to be underreporting by entrepreneurs lifts entrepreneurial earnings by between 10 and 40 %, reversing the fortunes of the entrepreneur such that they appear to be earning much more than their counterparts in a wage-earning job. If this adjustment should prove to be appropriate, then there is no obvious reason to increase the incentive for individuals to become entrepreneurs (such as with tax breaks or direct start-up subsidies) in developed countries, and there is reason, instead, to discuss decreasing these subsidies.     

The entrepreneurial earnings puzzle: Mismeasurement or real?

A review of recent evidence on relative earnings from entrepreneurship versus wage work presents a puzzle: why do individuals become entrepreneurs when entrepreneurs on average apparently earn less than employees? After considering several potential explanations, we empirically analyze one: income underreporting by entrepreneurs. Using a nationwide panel survey representing U.S. households over 15 years, we estimate that entrepreneurs on average earn 4% less per year than employees. However, after correcting for income underreporting, the mean financial gain to entrepreneurship is positive and large, greater than 42%. However, we show that this estimate is built on some unpalatable model assumptions.     

Latina entrepreneurship

We utilize individual panel data from the 1996 and 2001 Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to analyze the relative success of self-employed female Hispanics. To allow for a meaningful comparison of earnings between self-employed and wage/salary women, we generate different earnings measures addressing the role of business equity. We compare earnings of Hispanic female entrepreneurs to both Latina wage/salary workers and to self-employed female non-Hispanic whites. Latina entrepreneurs are observed to have lower mean earnings than both white female entrepreneurs and Latina employees. However, our findings indicate that Latina entrepreneurs often do well, once differences in mean observable characteristics, such as education, are taken into account. Self-employed Latinas are estimated to earn more than observationally similar non-minority white female entrepreneurs and slightly less than observationally similar wage/salary-employed Latinas.