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Alesia Montgomery 《International journal of urban and regional research》2016,40(4):776-799
Recent studies of public space in US central cities tend to focus either on (1) market‐driven placemaking (privatized parks, hipster shops) in gentrifying enclaves or (2) street cultures (community gardens, hip‐hop) in low‐income neighborhoods. Neither focus adequately frames the ability of African Americans to shape public space as the white middle class returns to central cities. In this case study of downtown Detroit, I theorize a dialectic: the history of clashes between racial capitalism and social movements in public space reappears in the contradictory design of market‐driven placemaking, which suppresses and displays cultures of resistance. White business and real‐estate interests showcase downtown spaces to counter news of disinvestment and suffering in low‐income neighborhoods. The legal and political legacies of civil rights and black power struggles—combined with consumer demand (black culture sells)—force them to involve black entrepreneurs, professionals and artists in placemaking. This placemaking subordinates the black urban poor, even as it incorporates their street cultures. The contradictions of placemaking shape possibilities for resistance, as shown in mundane subversions and street protests that use the downtown spotlight to call for social justice citywide. This analysis contributes to research on public space at a time when new movements are challenging public order in the financial core of US cities. 相似文献
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Existing literature on China's neoliberal urbanism is preoccupied with its institutional incentives and political-economy dynamics, which are characterized by state dominance through sponsorship and supervision of capital-market operations that drive pro-growth aspirations and gentrification strategies. Meanwhile, society, confronted with brutal neoliberal production of urban space, is vulnerable to dispossession and displacement. In this article, we draw upon an ethnographic study conducted at the Higher Education Mega Centre (HEMC) of Guangzhou in an attempt to revisit China's neoliberal urbanism beyond the Marxian political-economy repertoire, and shift the theoretical focus from production to consumption. In an institutionalized neoliberal context, the state–market–society nexus is closely intertwined—a process that manifests itself as the entangling of state and market, the establishment of a market society, the reflexive effects between neoliberalization and Chinese urban entrepreneurialism, and the capital-centric rule in urban (re)development. In particular, the socioeconomic and sociospatial contradictions in the HEMC case indicate aggressive and insatiable production of urban space, which has been led by the entrepreneurial local state, but is bounded by the market-oriented and capital-centric rules of institutionalized neoliberalization. The article concludes by calling for pragmatic reflection on the ‘hard’ neoliberal urbanism of the global South. 相似文献
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文章论述了广西科学技术图书馆的外部性与公共政策及公共文化体系建设之间的关系,并对如何更好地发挥公共图书馆的外部性提出了建议。 相似文献
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Filip Stabrowski 《International journal of urban and regional research》2015,39(6):1120-1136
A key element of New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg's New Housing Marketplace program has been the use of voluntary inclusionary zoning, through which private developers have been offered tax breaks and density bonuses to develop affordable housing on newly rezoned land. While this program has failed to alleviate the housing affordability crisis in New York City, little attention has been paid to its political effects on community‐based struggles over housing. This article addresses this question by examining the 2005 Greenpoint‐Williamsburg Waterfront Rezoning, which combined a voluntary inclusionary zoning program with a tenant services contract intended to mitigate the residential displacement effects of the rezoning. I critically examine its design, execution and monitoring, based on two years of work as an organizer and administrator of the tenant services contract. I argue that technologies of consent and control have reshaped the politics of housing in North Brooklyn by replacing resistance to gentrification with amelioration of its effects, through the anticipated creation of affordable housing. The upshot has been an emergent politics of housing in which real estate‐led development is regarded not as a cause of gentrification but as its solution. 相似文献
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城市绅士化与城市更新--以南京为例 总被引：18，自引：0，他引：18
城市绅士化(Gentrification)是西方国家再城市化过程中,城市中心区更新(复兴)的一种新的社会空间现象.文章分析比较了南京城市绅士化与西方城市绅士化在表现形式与动力机制等方面的异同,指出南京房地产市场的发展、中心区产业结构的转型、政府的政策引导、市民的择居观念与行为等是推动当前南京城市绅士化发展的主要动力;在引基础上指出了南京的城市绅士化与城市更新的互动关系,强调尽管发展阶段与表现形式存大差异,但中西方城市绅士化的本质是相同的.因引,为了避免在今后的郊区化过程中出现城市中心区的"空心化",在城市更新过程中吸引中产阶级居住在城市的中心区是保持城市发展活力的明智之举. 相似文献
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城市公共服务的三个基本问题 总被引：3，自引：0，他引：3
采用规范分析的方法,借鉴传统经济学相关理论,得出三个结论:其一,城市公共服务领域应提倡为平民服务;其二,服务内容应根据城市具体条件和市民公共服务需求来确定;其三,城市政府应致力于为市民提供无缝隙的、市民满意的公共服务. 相似文献
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Katia Attuyer 《International journal of urban and regional research》2015,39(4):807-823
This article examines how community representatives from a disadvantaged neighbourhood engage with neoliberal urban governance structures and assess the power afforded to them. It seeks to understand how community groups manage the challenges they face in times of neoliberal urbanism. This study follows calls to pay greater attention to the existence of imaginaries other than neoliberal ones, examining community actions and discourses surrounding the Historic Area Rejuvenation Project (HARP) area in Dublin, a project aimed at stimulating private property development and investment. The case highlights tensions between the pursuit of community‐based and collaborative urban regeneration and the increased legitimacy of neoliberalism as a guiding principle of public policy. It confirms the existence of resistance movements and the importance of local and national contexts in explaining the outcomes of contestation. Despite participative structures established by the local authority, the views and interests of local community activists were ignored and excluded. Furthermore, in contrast to trends towards co‐option within participative structures, the community actively resisted the imposition of neoliberal plans. Overall, while they had little success in influencing the plans or mindsets of the local authority, they did succeed in delaying the process until the project became unviable as a result of the economic crisis. 相似文献
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JAMIE PECK 《International journal of urban and regional research》2012,36(3):462-485
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Sylvie Tissot 《International journal of urban and regional research》2014,38(4):1181-1194
This article centers on a group of upper‐middle‐class gentrifiers living in a neighborhood in the South End of Boston, and their complex attitude towards diversity. I use data from my fieldwork in the South End, based on ethnographic observation and 77 interviews with residents active in local organizations, such as neighborhood associations. These residents explicitly stress their endorsement of diversity, in terms of class, race, but also sexual orientation, and their commitment to maintaining it. I examine the meaning they give to this principle, the actions they take in its name and the kind of relations they establish with those ‘others’ who embody such diversity. I argue that the gentrifiers' love of diversity, which cannot be reduced to sheer hypocrisy, is intrinsically linked to their capacity to control it, thus shedding light on the changing definition of social distinction in upper‐middle‐class culture. 相似文献
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关于城市发展科学思维的思考 总被引：1，自引：1，他引：1
本文将科学思维归纳为空间思维与线性思维相结合、正向思维与逆向思维相结合、统筹思维与突破性思维相结合、比较思维与实践性思维相结合、抽象思维与具象思维相结合和把感性认识上升到理性认识水平的理性方式,以便正确指导城市发展的实践。 相似文献
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SHARON ZUKIN 《International journal of urban and regional research》2009,33(2):543-553
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Renee Gordon Francis L. Collins Robin Kearns 《International journal of urban and regional research》2017,41(5):767-785
Public or state housing has ordinarily been viewed as an impediment to the forces of gentrification, as private property owners or developers are limited in their ability to purchase, renovate or redevelop houses in otherwise desirable areas. As a result, neighbourhoods with significant proportions of state‐housing and low‐income residents have often been able to establish unique identity and character, sense of place and belonging and strong social support networks. This article examines changes underway in Glen Innes, a central suburb of New Zealand's largest city, Auckland. Here, established norms around community and urban life are being rapidly and radically reworked through a wave of state‐led gentrification. We focus on experiences of displacement, the disruption of long‐established community forms, and the reconfiguration of urban life. Our particular contribution is to consider the speed and trauma of gentrification when the state is involved, the slippage between rhetoric and reality on the ground, and the challenges of researchers seeking to trace the impacts of gentrification in the lives of those who have been displaced. 相似文献
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本文结合我国新医改政策,基于政策过程视角分析了我国大型公共政策难产的原因,表现为:政策议程设置太慢;政策方案的设计及中央管理层内部酝酿太久;参与结构复杂,面对多元化利益诉求;调研难度大;审查严格,合法化速度较慢。虽然制定大型公共政策需要花费大量的财力、物力,但我国的公共政策过程正向着制度化、民主化、科学化的方向发展。 相似文献