Henry George and Europe: As Dissident Economist and Path-breaking Philosopher, He was a Catalyst for British Social Reform

Abstract . Henry George's influence was greater in the United Kingdom than in the United States. The 80s and 90s there were particularly favorable for the reception of his revolutionary ideas. Though, thanks to such thinkers as Alfred Russell Wallace and James and John Stuart Mill, a land reform movement already existed, its sudden rise to national significance was due to George. George's writing and speaking skills and his dedication moved many serious citizens into the political Left and heavily influenced men and women who became leaders of British non-Marxian socialism, at the formation and consolidation of their movement. While George's followers broke with both the Wallace and socialist movements, George's rhetorical talents awakened the broad circles of thinking people to a consciousness of the full range of the social question.     

Henry George on Chattel and Wage Slavery: The American Social Philosopher Condemned Both Forms as Immoral, Irrational Denials of Equality

Abstract . In the writings of Henry George two types of slavery are mentioned: chattel (human) and industrial (economic), or wage slavery. Greater attention is paid to the latter than to the former. In fact, chattel slavery was typically referred to only as an example or analogy in the analysis of issues that were of more fundamental concern to George: wealth, property, land, etc. Nonetheless it is possible to construct from these references a remarkably comprehensive critique of human servitude on three levels: practical, economic, and philosphicotheological. Practically, chattel slavery is inefficient and a hindrance to technological discovery and production. Economically, it does not increase the wealth of the political economy, the “Greater Leviathan.” Philosophico-theologically, it denies the natural equality of human beings, and is based on erroneous assumptions concerning the rightful basis and nature of property. Economic (industrial) or wage slavery is worse, however. Chattel slavery is a dead or dying institution as George writes, whereas the more cruel and relentless industrial servitude is alive and growing.     

Inequality in Exchange: The Use of a World Trade Flow Table for Analyzing the International Economy

Whether or not the terms of trade between two countries may be unequal is a controversial question in the theory of international economics. In practice, the issue is resolved through statistical observation of the terms of trade. This measurement of the terms of trade follows a long tradition and produces impressive detail. It is, however, restricted in scope, because the first derivative, the change of the terms over time is observed only. Absolute levels depend on which year is chosen as the base year, a choice that is rather arbitrary and carries no theoretical meaning. Equality in the levels of terms of trade remains thus undefined. More precisely, it is always assumed to exist implicitly for whichever base year is being nominated. The paper proposes an answer to this ambiguity based on the relatively new statistical tool of international purchasing power compilation. The terms of trade are crucially dependent on the rate of foreign exchange (for which exports are traded against imports), which is predominantly governed by financial rather than commodity markets. Hence, the paper proposes to separate the two factors of influence and to call terms of trade ‘equal’ if the effective real exchange rate (as derived from the nominal exchange rate by means of purchasing power parities) equals one. On that basis a world trade flow table is constructed, putting the compiled equalities and inequalities in trade into a coherent, global perspective.     

Protection or Free Trade: An Analysis of the Ideas of Henry George on International Commerce and Wages

Abstract . Henry George, the 19th century American economist and social philosopher, abandoned protectionism and became a free trader when he engaged in the great tariff debate of the last quarter of his century. In the controversy, a true follower of Adam Smith, he anticipated neoclassical positions on the tariff question, particularly the Stolper-Samuelson theory which predicts that free trade will increase the prices of the abundant factors of production relative to the prices of the scarce factors. George's concern in the great debate was labor; he was convinced that only certain interests representing capital or resource ownership would benefit from protection at the cost of labor and the enterprises in fields with more abundant resources. But the free trade effort failed and in 1894 the Wilson-Gorman tariff increased the exactions to the highest level yet. The protectionist tide, only slowed by the Woodrow Wilson Administration, was not reversed until after World War II.     

The Social,Spatial, and Economic Roots of Urban Inequality in Africa: Contextualizing Jane Jacobs and Henry George

Unravelling the social and economic roots of urban inequality in Africa has remained a thorny issue in African political economy. Stripped to its bare essentials, the critical questions are who causes urban inequality, what causes it, and how it is caused? While all different, the questions are interrelated. Answering the “who causes inequality” question requires a related analysis of what and why, and that is connected to the how question. Indeed, the how question has two parts—how inequality is caused and how it can be addressed. Both are connected to the why question and to its resolution. Unfortunately, while studies about urban inequality abound, they tend to hive off one aspect or another of the tripartite questions on inequality and, even worse, they study the three questions separately. This article tries to overcome the existing atomistic and piecemeal approach to the study of urban inequality in Africa by contextualizing the work of Jane Jacobs and Henry George, who took a holistic view of urban inequality. It argues that Jacobsianism and Georgism have much to offer in terms of understanding urban inequality in Africa, but neither analysis goes far enough to be able to serve as a solid foundation for policy. Ultimately, it is in their approach to urban analysis—the emphasis on context, on actual urban problems, inductivism, and some of their mechanisms for change such as George's land tax and cautious abstraction, in that order, along with their combined vision—which I call “diversity in equality”—that can add to the insights of postcolonialism in understanding and transforming urban inequality in Africa.     

国内外性别差异对就业率的影响——以中日两国研究为中心

中日两国女性同属东方文化圈,但是在就业情况方面却各有各的苦衷。文章分析了中日两国两种就业情况的原因,探析了两国的文化异同。     

The Role of Land Tenure,Taxation, and Monetary Systems in Achieving and Enjoying Free Trade

Civilizations rise and fall based on the effectiveness of their socio-political arrangements and institutions. The institutions that matter most are the laws and customs that govern 1) production and exchange of goods (trade), 2) land tenure and the distribution of the surplus associated with it, 3) the levying of taxes to provide public goods and services, and 4) the monetary systems adopted to facilitate such activities. If those institutions distribute the benefits of civilization equitably to all members of society, the result is likely to be peace and prosperity. However, if the rules of a society are designed to protect the interests of an elite, conflict is likely to ensue. Unrestricted trade across national borders (“free trade”) has the potential to produce socially beneficial outcomes, but it is not sufficient to overcome systemic injustices associated with flawed systems of land tenure, taxation, and monetary management. This article makes use of historical examples to examine trade in relation to the other institutions to show why just social arrangements must be considered an essential part of trade policy.     

Social Forums,Social Movements and Social Change: A Response to Peter Marcuse on the Subject of the World Social Forum

This response to Peter Marcuse situates his reading of the World Social Forum in the larger ‘space versus movement’ debate that has been raging among the WSF’s organizers. The author argues that this debate signals: (1) a power struggle over its future; (2) profound disagreement over the character of its power, which is itself based in conflicting understandings and visions of power and change in the contemporary period more generally; (3) at the heart of this last conflict is a yet more basic one about the status of multiplicity and diversity — in understanding power(s), in building resistance(s), in creating alternatives, in crafting solidarities, in imagining other possible worlds as les raisons d’être of the Social Forum. Drawing on the historical experience of feminism, the author proposes an alternative reading of the meaning of the Social Forum grounded in more multivalent understandings of power, movements and change, and argues that, in the evolving practice of the World Social Forum, a new democratic imaginary — post‐liberal and post‐Marxist — is taking shape and, with it, other possible futures are coming into view. Cette réponse à Peter Marcuse replace son explication du Forum social mondial dans le débat plus vaste ‘espace et mouvement’ qui a enflammé les organisateurs du FSM. En effet, ce débat met en évidence plusieurs aspects: une lutte de pouvoir pour son avenir; un désaccord profond quant à la nature de son pouvoir, s’appuyant lui‐même sur des appréhensions et visions contradictoires du pouvoir et du changement dans la période contemporaine, de manière générale; au c?ur de cette opposition, en existe une autre encore plus fondamentale sur la situation de multiplicité et de diversité, pour comprendre le ou les pouvoirs, élaborer une ou plusieurs résistances, créer des alternatives, tisser des solidarités, imaginer d’autres possibilités de monde comme les raisons d’être du Forum social. S’inspirant de l’expérience historique du féminisme, l’article propose une autre lecture du Forum social, fondée sur des compréhensions plus polyvalentes du pouvoir, des mouvements et du changement; de plus, il affirme que, dans le cadre de l’exercice évolutif du Forum social mondial, prend forme un nouvel imaginaire démocratique — post‐libéral et post‐marxiste — et, qu’avec lui, se dessinent d’autres possibilités d’avenir.     

The limits of branding: the World Trade Center,fiscal crisis and the marketing of recovery

This article investigates the branding of New York's World Trade Center, and the city itself, as both financial center and entertainment destination between the 1960s and 1990s. After addressing the symbolic as well as material damage caused by the terrorist attacks of September 11th, the article traces the history behind the towers' design and ultimate use in marketing. It first examines the early motivations behind the project, and the forces leading to its controversial construction in the 1960s–70s. Then, in the wake of the city's 1975 fiscal crisis, the Twin Towers and Downtown skyline were branded through campaigns like ‘I ? NY’ to represent a resurgent, global New York. With the recession of 1989–92, and the scaling back of public‐sector marketing, this new brand was used by a host of private‐sector media and marketing firms then establishing global headquarters in New York. In the current period, the site of the towers, and the city as a whole, are being ‘re‐branded’ as a patriotic destination. Building on content analysis and archival research, the article critically analyzes how such marketing became central to New York City's overall economic development strategy. Cet article étudie la stratégie de marque qui a étiqueté le World Trade Center de New York et la ville elle‐mäme, en tant que centre financier et destination de loisirs des années 1960 à 1990. Après avoir traité les préjudices symboliques et matériels liés aux attaques terroristes du 11 septembre, l'article retrace l'histoire de la conception des tours et leur exträme utilisation en marketing. Il examine d'abord les premières motivations du projet et les forces qui ont conduità sa construction controversée dans les années 1960–70. Suite à la crise fiscale de la ville en 1975, les Tours jumelles et la silhouette des immeubles du centre ont ensuite été choisies dans le cadre de campagnes comme ‘I ? NY’ (J'aime New York) afin de représenter un New York ressuscité et mondialisé. Après la récession de 1989–92, et la réduction du marketing public, cette nouvelle ‘étiquette’ a servi à une foule d'entreprises privées de médias et marketing qui ont alors installé leur siège international à New York. Actuellement, le site des tours, et la ville dans son ensemble, sont en train d'ätre ‘ré‐étiquetés’ comme destination patriotique. A partir d'une analyse de contenu et de recherches d'archives, l'article scrute la façon dont ce marketing est devenu essentiel à la stratégie de développement économique globale de la ville de New York.     

Trade and Income Growth in Vietnam: Estimates from a New Social Accounting Matrix

Economic reforms and greater outward orientation are giving rise to extensive structural change in the Vietnamese economy. Because of the leverage that global markets can exert on an emerging economy, such adjustments will be particularly significant in the composition of domestic supply and demand. As domestic protection levels are reduced and external market access increases, trade growth and shifting trade patterns will have pervasive effects on income distribution in Vietnam. In this paper, we use a newly estimated Vietnam social accounting matrix to elucidate the links between trade and income in the country. With matrix decomposition methods, we show how the Vietnamese economy propagates the direct effects of external demand across the spectrum of domestic activities, factors, and households. This detailed analysis provides a blueprint for policies to improve economic participation of activities and households with relatively weak linkages to the rest of the economy.     

Value,Exchange and the Social Economy: Framework and Paradigm Shift in Urban Policy.

A market paradigm has been dominant in the field of community development, defining how governmental officials, development professionals and even academics view the world, and influencing the way problems are identified, the kind of questions asked, the solutions considered, the criteria for ‘success’ and even the evaluative methodologies employed. This article maintains that the market paradigm has not succeeded from the micro-social perspective of the residents or the development of their communities as a whole. By problematizing two concepts embedded in the market economy paradigm, value (both monetized and non-monetized) and exchange (terms of trade), we offer a concrete vision of urban policy analysis from a social economy paradigm.     

Force and Influence in Content Analysis: The Production of New Social Knowledge

We examine the two traditions of content analysis: the first in which one substitutes words of a text with categories, and the second in which one looks for clusters of words that may refer to a theme. In the first tradition, preexisting dictionary categories give meaning to the words; in the second, meaning comes after the fact. Preexisting dictionary categories (the substitution model) are calibrated instruments applied within experimental designs that leave no space for doubt; meanwhile, the ability of the correlational model to conjure up complex themes from fragments of a text yields no unique solution. These differences have bearings on the production of new social knowledge. We expound on the epistemological foundations of the two traditions of interpretation and draw from them decision rules upon which one may rely for choosing among appropriate content-analytic tactics. Two reasons make this essay timely and critical: (1) the increasing variety of new content-analyticsoftware for particular purposes and (2) the almost exclusive focusing on software and technology at the expense of adjusting the choice of the software to the nature of the text. Two studies, one in historiometry, the other in autobiography, illustrate the liabilities and benefits of the two models of content analysis.     

The Social and Environmental Costs of Milk Production: Trends and Resistance in Vermont

The power of social institutions to influence patterns of behavior is evident in the dairy industry. Secondary data from the National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS) show that dairy operators adapt to market pressures by expanding the size of their herds and/or adopting technologies that intensify milk production. A grounded theory approach using primary data collected in interviews with organic dairy operators reveals active resistance to the power imposed upon them by social institutions.     

道德领导对员工创造力的作用机制研究:内在动机与社会交换的中介作用

本文以四川省某家民营企业的273份领导—员工配对样本为研究对象,立足于道德型领导,并分别从内在动机和社会交换两个角度,探讨其对于员工创造力的不同作用路径,通过实证研究发现:(1)道德领导对员工的创造力水平具有显著的正向影响;(2)道德领导能够激发下属的内在动机,并且下属的内在动机越高,其创造力水平就越高,内在动机完全中介了道德型领导与员工创造力之间的正相关关系;(3)此外,随着道德领导水平的提高,领导与员工之间的社会交换质量也会相应地提高,而高质量的社会交换关系又会促进下属的创造力水平.本文从认知评价理论和社会交换理论出发,分别阐释了道德型领导的两条不同作用路径,并在此基础上给出人力资源管理实践建议,期望对管理实践和理论研究有所推介和深化.     

跨境贸易人民币结算政策对外汇储备的影响——基于进出口企业的结算选择博弈分析

运用博弈论的思想和方法,结合跨境贸易结算实际,构建了人民币升贬值预期下境内企业与境外交易对手结算货币选择的多目标博弈模型,并分析了企业的结算货币选择对外汇储备的影响.研究结果表明,企业对人民币预期和结算目的的多样化,使得博弈出现多种结果,从而跨境贸易结算引起的外汇储备变动不会向单一方向发展;但不同预期引导下的进出口结算货币的不对称选择会加剧外汇储备的波动.