WTO新一轮农业谈判中的“新蓝箱”措施评析

新一轮农业谈判多哈回合谈判框架协议,对农业国内支持政策“蓝箱”措施进行重新定义。根据《农业协议》规定,发达国家需逐渐削减黄箱措施对农业的综合支持量,而“新蓝箱”措施的出台与WTO农业谈判追求贸易自由化的进程相悖。本文概括世界各国蓝箱措施的实施情况,分析“新蓝箱”措施出台的背景、原因,客观评价“新蓝箱”对国际农产品贸易格局的影响。     

“蓝箱”与“新蓝箱”:潜在影响与谈判立场

"蓝箱"支持是农业国内支持政策的重要组成部分,其政策改革也成为了世贸组织农业谈判的焦点之一。在回顾乌拉圭回合"蓝箱"支持使用状况的基础上,文章利用"假设削减方案"的研究方法评估了多哈回合"新蓝箱"对中国和主要成员国的潜在影响,并为中国在"蓝箱"政策改革的后续谈判提出了可供选择的提案。     

多哈回合“蓝箱”政策改革：利益、分歧与中国的立场

根据乌拉圭回合农业协议，限产条件下的直接支付免于削减承诺，这就是所谓的“蓝箱”措施。“蓝箱”措施通常被认为是价格支持的一种特例，具体包括：①基于固定的面积和产量的支付；②根据基期生产水平的85％或85％以下给予的直接支付；③基于固定牲畜头数的支付。“蓝箱”不包括在综合支持量（AMS）中，因此免于削减。在多哈回合谈判之前，根据各成员向WTO秘书处所做的通报，     

"新蓝箱":农业补贴的隐患

2004年8月1日达成的WTO多哈回合谈判框架协议对农业国内支持蓝箱措施制定了新的规则,主要体现在两方面,一是将蓝箱措施的使用量限制在一成员农业产值的5％以内;二是将蓝箱标准从原来的"限产"扩大到"不对生产进行要求",从而扩大了其使用范围,因此被称为"新蓝箱"。 在现行《农业协定》下,蓝箱措施是指在限产计划下给予农民的直接支付,与黄箱措施相比,蓝箱措施对生产和贸易扭曲性较小。由于设立蓝箱的目的是使成员在将黄箱措施向绿箱措施调     

中国与经合组织国家对水产业国内支持的比较及对策

水产品是我国重要的农业类出口产品,世贸组织“多哈回合”谈判将水产品国内支持纳入了谈判议题,因此,深入研究水产品国内支持问题具有重要的现实意义。通过对我国与经合组织国家对水产业国内支持状况的比较分析,以及世贸组织相关规则的研究,就我国水产业国内支持政策的调整提出若干建议。     

WTO新一轮农业谈判暂告结束

<正> 世界贸易组织新一轮农业问题谈判第一阶段于3月27日结束。参加谈判的各方同时通过了第二阶段谈判的工作计划。世贸组织新一轮农业问题谈判是根据乌拉圭回合结束时达成的有关协议于2000年3月开始的。一年来,世贸组织140个成员中有125个成员一共提出了44项谈判建议。世贸组织总干事迈克·穆尔对此发表评论说,几乎所有世贸组织成员,无论大小,在第一阶段谈判中都提出了内容广泛的建议。这一事实说明,世贸组织成员普遍赞成继续改革农业贸     

对发展中国家的特殊和差别待遇——以WTO有关区域贸易安排的规定为视角

特殊与差别待遇,是世贸组织处理发展中成员方经济发展问题时必须遵循的一项基本原则。但是,世贸组织有关区域贸易协定的现有规范却缺乏对发展中国家的特殊考虑,这不利于发展中国家参与区域经济合作,促进其经济发展。多哈部长宣言授权成员方在区域贸易协定的谈判中考虑发展问题,但是发达成员和发展中成员在此问题上存在争议,尚未达成共识。发展中国家应当积极参与谈判,争取保留授权条款,同时在24条中引入特殊和差别待遇。作为交换条件,发展中国家可以接受就南南型区域贸易协定向世贸组织进行通知并由其进行审查。     

日韩在世贸反规避谈判中的立场及其评价

反规避问题的谈判是当前世贸组织各成员方谈判的主要议题之一,但是目前各方还没有就此问题取得实质性的进展。其根本原因就是各方的立场相距甚远,分歧较大。本文分析了日本、韩国在反规避问题上立场并做出了相应的评价。     

WTO月度报告

90国集团支持WTO贸易便利化议题的谈判 7月13日,由发展中成员组成的90国集团的贸易部长会议结束。会议对重启世贸组织贸易便利化议题的谈判采取了一种调和的立场。同时,各位部长在支持非洲棉花生产商提出的取消农业领域补贴的问题上采取了强硬态度,坚持农业谈判应单独进行,而不能将其作为正在进行的多哈回合农业谈判的一部分。     

美国在世贸组织反规避谈判中的立场及其评价

反规避问题的谈判是当前世贸组织各成员方谈判的主要议题之一,但是目前各方还没有就此取得实质性的进展。其根本原因就是各方的立场相距甚远,分歧太大。本文分析了美国的立场并做出了相应的评价。     

A Meta‐Analysis of General and Partial Equilibrium Simulations of Trade Liberalisation under the Doha Development Agenda

Model‐based simulation of welfare effects is commonly used to make a case for trade liberalisation and to inform participants and stakeholders in trade negotiations. However, the simulated welfare effects of trade liberalisation vary greatly, even across studies that model similar liberalisation scenarios. This undermines confidence in the reliability of model‐based simulations. A meta‐analysis of over 100 studies that model WTO Doha Development Agenda trade negotiation outcomes is employed to identify characteristics of models, databases and liberalisation experiments that influence simulated welfare effects. Meta‐regressions produce plausible results and explain a significant proportion of the variation in simulated welfare effects in a representative sample of Doha Development Agenda trade liberalisation studies. Results also reveal that many quantitative trade policy simulation studies fail to adequately document the assumptions and data on which they are based.     

WTO在环境保护中的作用及环境谈判对我国的影响

尽管WTO不是环保组织,但WTO同贸易在三个层次上产生交集。WTO原则和规则对应对气候变化也非常重要。贸易与环境谈判是正在进行的WTO多哈回合多边贸易谈判中的一个重要内容,各成员正致力于削减或取消环保和服务的关税和非关税壁垒。目前关于削减环保产品的关税和非关税壁垒的方法是各方关注和争论的焦点。中国尽管作为发展中国家的一员,但却位列全球环境货物贸易大国之列。这种双重性决定了中国在贸易和环境谈判中的独特立场。     

多边贸易体制2010年年终盘点及2011年展望

2010年是世界经济缓慢复苏的一年。在全球失业率居高不下的阴霾中,多边贸易体制又经历了一年保护主义重压的考验,喜忧参半。本文以WTO秘书处最近公布的若干报告和开展的研讨会讨论内容为基础,对当前世界贸易环境和多边贸易体制下多哈回合的谈判情况予以综述,强调WTO成员需采纳秘书处意见、在多边贸易体制下理性看待全球贸易不平衡问题;需认识到历经9年的共同努力多哈回合谈判已经成果颇丰;需加强忧患意识、全力以赴在2011年完成多哈回合谈判。     

“蓝箱”政策改革对中国总体扭曲性支持的影响

利用"假设削减方案"的研究方法,模拟了"蓝箱"政策改革对中国总体扭曲性支持(OTDS)的影响,并与主要的利益相关者美国、欧盟、日本、加拿大和巴西进行了对比,结果表明:"新蓝箱"将不会给中国国内支持带来较大冲击;而欧盟和美国将会受到较大冲击,但执行期结束时他们仍然能保留较大的扭曲性支持空间;"蓝箱"政策改革可能导致欧盟和美国调整国内支持政策,这将给中国等发展中国家的农业生产和贸易带来不确定性。     

Trade‐Policy Issues and Policy Options for Japan and the United States: Introduction and Overview

This symposium includes papers that analyse a number of issues that are likely to play a key role in the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) negotiations. These issues are analysed from the perspective of US‐Japanese economic relations. In these papers, the economic effects of the WTO negotiating options available to both countries are explored. A final paper examines the important issues raised by the free trade agreements (FTAs) that have or will soon be negotiated by the United States and Japan. Brief summaries of the papers are provided. With all the advantages that have accrued to Japan from the multilateral trading system, it is not surprising that for many years Japan, alone among the world's major economies, stayed aloof from regional trading arrangements. The very past success of the multilateral trading system has made further progress at this level far more complex and has pushed many countries, Japan included, to look to new and deeper regional trading agreements as a more productive path. But it should not be forgotten that while FTAs may be easier to conclude, their benefits are modest compared with what can be gained from a successful Doha Round, and the costs from new distortions imposed on regional trade can be very significant for some of the world's poorer economies. Every good reason remains for Japan to continue to wish to be a pillar of the WTO and of the new Doha Round.     

MEAs与WTO的潜在冲突:案例研究、理论分析和对策

目前,MEAs和WTO之间发生实质性冲突的可能性越来越大,已经对全球贸易体制与环境体制构成了严峻的挑战。本文从案例研究的角度探讨了MEAs与WTO产生潜在冲突的根本原因,从法学理论的角度分析了《多哈部长宣言》和“多哈发展回合”的缺陷与不足,并提出了协调MEAs与WTO关系的对策和建议。     

What Future for the WTO?

The past decade has been troubling for the World Trade Organization (WTO). After 12 hard years of negotiation, and multiple missed deadlines, stakes are high for breaking the many logjams that obstruct the Doha Development Round. This article assesses what can be salvaged from the Doha Round and the associated global payoffs, and it provides guidelines for maintaining the relevance of the WTO moving forward. There is good reason for measured optimism, but for optimism to be sustained, trade ministers must deliver something meaningful at the Bali WTO Ministerial in December 2013.     

Formula Approaches for Market Access Negotiations

Most of the large tariff reductions achieved in multilateral trade negotiations have involved tariff–cutting formulas such as the ‘Swiss’ formula. However, wide variations in initial tariff rates between active participants call for new approaches under the Doha Development Agenda. This paper surveys a range of formula options and examines both targeted and flexible applications of the Swiss formula that target tariff escalation and peaks, and would allow policy makers to directly target how far they will move towards free trade, while providing some flexibility for trading off reductions in peak tariffs against reductions in lower–tariff sectors.     

How Effective are WTO Disciplines on Domestic Support and Market Access for Agriculture?

A new round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization (WTO) was launched in 2001. One of the major aims of the Doha Development Round is to reduce agricultural protection and impose greater discipline on domestic agricultural subsidies, particularly those that are the most trade distorting. In this article, we examine whether the proposed WTO modalities for agriculture will actually achieve this aim in Norway, which ranks among the top providers of government assistance for agriculture. Norway has a complex system of farm subsidies buttressed by substantial import protection. The extent to which its agricultural support policies will have to change in response to new WTO disciplines provides an important indication of how successful these are likely to be. We find that Norway will probably be able to sustain its current agricultural activity and production levels while staying within the new WTO rules. Following recent practice in some other WTO members, Norway will be able to reduce its notified support without making real changes in some of its programmes. However, there will have to be a shift from market price support, which is paid for by consumers through higher food prices, to budgetary support paid by taxpayers. This could generate increased domestic pressure for policy reform.