Das Erklärungsdilemma der Medienwirkungsforschung.

Starting from the deductive-nomological model, the partitioning of variance, several classifications of media effects a multi-level logic, the paper presents a variance-based model of media effects beyond the single recipient. However, when explaining media effects on meso- and macro-level units, media effects research faces a dilemma. The article discusses this dilemma both formally and by using selected examples (stock market, public opinion, right-wing violence). The dilemma of explaining media effects has to be taken seriously since it entails problems going far beyond the simple question of individual and aggregate data. Part of it are the problems of modeling the link between micro and macro-level as well as its dynamics – which raises further questions such as “where do media effects end?“.     

Essay: Verantwortbare Anwaltschaften. Amerikanische Erörterungen eines neuen Begriffs der Kommunikationsethik

Ohne Zusammenfassung Dr. Christoph Butterwegge ist Professor für Politikwissenschaft an der Universit?t zu K?ln.     

加强研究开发,保持技术先进——访荷兰Rohill公司的总监R.E.van der Boom先生

荷兰的Rohill公司从1998年就进入中国的模拟集群通信市场,所以可以算是一个老公司了,但它们的系统数字集群通信则正准备进入中国市场。据了解,Rohill公司的TETRA数字集群通信系统(它们称为TetraNode系统)还是有特色的。最近记者有机会采访了Rohill公司的总监R.E.van der Boom先生,记者从和ver der Boom先生的交流中,感到他对数字集群通信系统,特别是该公司的TetraNode系统的发展充满了信心,现将访问记录整理如下。     

Die Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie der Medien/Kommunikation: ein hochaktueller Ansatz

This debate article discusses how topical the approach of the Critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication is today. The paper analyses the status of this field. At the international level, there is a longer tradition in the Critical Political Economy of Media/Communication, especially in the United Kingdom and North America. Since the start of the new crisis of capitalism in 2008, the interest in Marx’s works has generally increased. At the same time communicative and ideological features of societal changes’ unpredictable turbulences have become evident. This contribution introduces some specific approaches. It also discusses 14 aspects of why the complex, multidimensional, open and dynamic research approach of the critique of capitalism and society that goes back Marx’s theory remains relevant today.After an introduction (sect. 1), the article’s second section provides a brief introduction to the critique of the political economy of media/communication by presenting the understandings of this field advanced by Peter Golding/Graham Murdock and Vincent Mosco. It also points out that there have been single representatives of the Critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication in the German-speaking world, but that this approach is largely forgotten in German media and communication studies. The article provides a brief introduction to Horst Holzer’s version of the critique of the political economy of media/communication: Holzer combined critical social theory and empirical social research in order to critically theorise and understand communication(s). He was critical of both systems theories of communication (e.?g. Niklas Luhmann) and theories of communicative action (Jürgen Habermas) and worked out foundations of an alternative approach that are grounded in Marx’s theory.The third section argues that Karl Marx is not just a critic of capitalism, but that his approach can also help us to ground a critical theory of communication. It stresses that there are many elements in Marx’s works that can help us to critically understand communication: critical journalism, limits on the freedom of the press, the analysis of the commodity form, the analysis of labour, exploitation, class, surplus-value, globalisation, crisis, modern technology, the General Intellect, communication, the means of communication, the contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of production, dialectics, ideologies, social struggles, and democratic alternatives.Sect. 4 provides an example of how to use the approach of the Critique of Political Economy for analysing concrete communication phenomena. After the 2011 Arab Spring, there were many discussions about the role of digital and social media in protests. Some observers claimed that we had experienced Facebook and Twitter revolutions. Others argued that such claims are technologically deterministic and that protests would not be a matter of communications, but of crowds gathering in the streets and occupying squares. Using the critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication as framework, the OccupyMedia!-study analysed how activists used social media and how capitalist power and state power limited protest communication. It also explored the potential of alternative digital media in protest and the challenges that political economy posed for the establishment and use of such communications.The article concludes that the Critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication is a fruitful, praxis-oriented approach for the empirical and theoretical analysis of contemporary communication(s). In the German-speaking world and in German media and communication studies, there has been unjustified fear of Marx. In addition, examples from the 1970s until today show that representatives of the Critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication in the German-speaking world have had justified fears over being considered as Marxists.The future will show if new developments and attempts to advance the Critique of the Political Economy of Media/Communication in the German-speaking world will make a difference that makes a difference or not.     

Die These der Negativitätsumkehrung

The article explores the effects of negativity bias in political coverage on cognitions, emotions and attitudes. Starting from psychological considerations on cognition and emotion as well as from the assimilation-contrast-effect, the article develops a hypothesis of ‘negativity inversion’. This postulates that cumulative media criticism that politicians are unable to solve political problems does not only shape a negative image of politicians, but also establishes the impression that many political problems remain unsolved. This impression is the backdrop for judgments on specific political solutions which appear more positively and find more approval among recipients than without such a contrasting background. Results from an experiment manipulating (1) media images of politicians’ capability to solve problems and (2) media images of a regional political problem support the hypothesis of negativity inversion.     

„Infotainment“ in der Presse

This paper answers, by means of a content analysis of three regional daily papers, the question of whether political journalism in regional newspapers is more entertaining today than it was in 1980. On the level of articles, increased entertainment can consist of using specific design elements. On the thematic level, topics that are entertaining per se (e. g. human interest topics) can take the place of or occur in addition to political information. In all the papers that were examined, political articles possess a larger potential for entertainment today than they did in 1980. Additionally, the percentage of political information has decreased, while the number of articles on human interest topics has increased. Finally, this paper discusses how that result is to be evaluated from the point of view of the theory of democracy: “Infotainment” can be beneficial in some circumstances. Therefore, entertainment should not be disparaged in general; one needs to be careful when assessing it normatively.     

Grenzen der Wirksamkeit von Fallbeispielen?

It is a widely shared assumption in exemplification research that exemplars in the media strongly influence people’s judgements, in contrast to the rather ineffective base-rate information. The aim of this study is to reassess this assumption. Because there are hardly any studies that systematically vary the content of the base-rate information, it has been impossible so far to detect any influence of this type of information. Using an experiment with 214 subjects, the influence of both exemplars and base-rate information are investigated in the context of political communication. The influence of predispositions on the effects of both types of information is examined. The results show that the subjects formed their judgements on the basis of the base-rate information, and not on the basis of the exemplars. Predispositions seem to play but a subsidiary role in this effect.     

Publizistische Chancengleichheit in der Wahlkampfberichterstattung?

A true democracy is based on political competition. Political parties set up programmes and suggest solutions which the electorate is then asked to choose between. Competition for tomorrow??s leadership positions can only be fair if today there are equal opportunities for all parties. The German legislative body passed several laws which are meant to guarantee equal opportunities in this contest. In times of an ever increasing importance of the mass media for political communication, this paper is meant to answer the question of whether??besides equal political opportunities??there is something like equal media opportunities, and if so, which indicators can be used to measure them. After a broad theoretical examination, an empirical analysis of the media coverage prior to the general elections in 1998, 2002 and 2009 follows. It reveals that??from a quantitative point of view??there certainly are equal media opportunities for the political parties sitting in the German Bundestag. The chances for media coverage are, especially for smaller parties, better than the gradation of equal chances by formal regulations.     

Legitimität in der Medienpolitik

This study develops a theoretical perspective on legitimacy in media policy that can be used to study debates taking place in the media. This perspective assumes that contentions about legitimacy are inscribed in media policy debates; in debates about which media content, business models and forms of media usage are legitimate. The aim of this perspective is to stimulate research questions and guide research. It contributes to understand why some regulation is successful and another is not. This article first discusses the state of research in communication studies. According to it, legitimacy can influence decisions in media policy. Legitimacy is a precondition for the effectiveness of regulation and regulatory procedures and for the stability of the media order. The media may operate as self-interested actors and deprive regulatory attempts of legitimacy. Most studies use a normative concept of legitimacy.Based on new institutionalism and the theory of structuration by Anthony Giddens, in the first step, an analytical (not normatively determined) and dynamic concept of legitimacy is developed. Legitimacy is with Suchman understood as a “generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions”. Drawing on both strategic and institutional approaches, legitimacy is conceptualized both as strategic reference to and as effect of normative structures. Media policy actors try to strategically employ legitimacy in order to assert or defy collectively binding rules. They cannot do this, however, without referring to expectation structures (normative structures) that at the same time constrain and enable them. Because legitimacy has these two sides, is part of action and structures, it can be defined as institution.New institutionalism differentiates between attributing, depriving of, repairing and maintaining legitimacy. The structuration theory is used to define these processes as a recursive interaction of actors and structures that takes place in public debates (structuration of legitimacy). The structuration theory provides a framework that integrates the strategic aspect of legitimacy related action and the institutional aspect of legitimacy. Furthermore, it includes the distribution of resources, political capabilities and authority in media policy and allows studying the influence of these factors on gaining, depriving of and repairing legitimacy. The following sections elaborate this framework and for this purpose, use the terms legitimacy episodes, structuration of legitimacy, grammar of legitimation, media communication.Due to legitimacy episodes, legitimacy becomes an issue in media policy. Arguing with Giddens, episodes are processes of social change that reorganize institutions. They occur with transgressions. Transgressions related to the media system can be expected when new media proliferate because new forms of media production, distribution and media usage develop, new actors enter media markets and public communication changes. Old issues of media regulations are raised from new perspectives, new regulatory problems emerge. Emerging debates and conflicts also concern legitimacy: the threats of certain new services, the acceptability of new business practices or the lawfulness of certain user behaviour.The structuration of legitimacy encompasses attributing, depriving of, repairing of and maintaining legitimacy and can be studied through the “grammar of legitimation”, resource distribution and the rules of the media. The abovementioned processes related to legitimacy take place in recursive interactions of actors and structures: within communication, sanction and power. These forms of interaction are closely related to each other. Language is a regulative force and reflects structures of domination. Three propositions can be derived from Giddens regarding the structuration of legitimacy: First, media policy conflicts can be understood through debates. Second, these debates are not only about exchanging arguments but about validity and influence. Third, public debates influence collectively binding decision-making processes because they construct legitimate definitions of an actor, a procedure, of existing rules or of other problems and discursively restrict available options. The structuration of legitimacy can be analysed by studying the grammar of legitimation, the resource distribution among actors and media related rules. The grammar of legitimation, resource distribution and media related rules are both enabling and constraining actors. The grammar of legitimation demands actors to include an interpretation of the legitimation object, a norm, an evaluation and arguments in their statements. It furthermore, demands actors to consider the structure of expectation and signification: prevailing norms, values, and patterns of interpretation. Resource distribution, more specifically the extent to which actors can invest allocative and authoritative resources structures debates about legitimacy. Legitimacy claims can be raised most effectively via mass media. The mass media are self-interested actors in media policy debates. They provide therefore not only a forum for but are actors in legitimacy debates. The rules of the media that affect legitimacy debates and their outcome are threefold: selection, interpretation and depiction of a media policy debate, the media’s own interests, and to what extent leading media cover a media policy issue. The present perspective allows identifying episodes of legitimacy, studying the structure of legitimacy statements, investigating the reasons of successful legitimacy strategies and media organizations’ self-interests.     

H.320、H.323会议电视系统

概述 会议电视是现代通信技术与电视技术相结合的产物。它通过通信线路将各处一方的两个或多个会议室连接起来,彼此交换语音、图象和数据信号。使不同地点的与会者不仅能听到发言人的声音,还可在屏幕上看到发言人及会场实时情景,使与会者有一种身临其境的感觉。     

中国移动VS.中国联通

1发展战略比较中国移动和中国联通是中国移动市场的两家主要运营商,由于二者进入市场的时间不同,在业务经营、网络规模、经营特点等许多方面存在明显的差异。二者的总体比较如表1:表1中国移动和中国联通的总体比较由于二者上述各方面的差异,决定了他们的发展战略也不同。2005年两家企业的发展战略比较如表2:表2中国移动和中国联通2005年发展战略2业务发展比较☆主营业务比较中国移动与中国联通的主营业务都是移动话音业务,主要分为预付费和后付费业务两类。业务比较如表3:表3中国移动和中国联通的主要业务比较中国移动的“全球通”业务是经…