Wealth Accumulation and Factors Accounting for Success

We use detailed income, balance sheet, and cash flow statements constructed for households in a long monthly panel in an emerging market economy, and some recent contributions in economic theory, to document and better understand the factors underlying success in achieving upward mobility in the distribution of net worth. Wealth inequality is decreasing over time, and many households work their way out of poverty and lower wealth over the seven year period. The accounts establish that, mechanically, this is largely due to savings rather than incoming gifts and remittances. In turn, the growth of net worth can be decomposed household by household into the savings rate and how productively that savings is used, the return on assets (ROA). The latter plays the larger role. ROA is, in turn, positively correlated with higher education of household members, younger age of the head, and with a higher debt/asset ratio and lower initial wealth, so it seems from cross-sections that the financial system is imperfectly channeling resources to productive and poor households. Household fixed effects account for the larger part of ROA, and this success is largely persistent, undercutting the story that successful entrepreneurs are those that simply get lucky. Persistence does vary across households, and in at least one province with much change and increasing opportunities, ROA changes as households move over time to higher-return occupations. But for those households with high and persistent ROA, the savings rate is higher, consistent with some micro founded macro models with imperfect credit markets. Indeed, high ROA households save by investing in their own enterprises and adopt consistent financial strategies for smoothing fluctuations. More generally growth of wealth, savings levels and/or rates are correlated with TFP and the household fixed effects that are the larger part of ROA.     

Homeownership, wealth accumulation and income status

This paper examines the extent to which homeownership had an independent effect on the ability of low- and moderate-income (LMI) households to accumulate wealth during the mid-to-late 1990s. Using household data from the PSID, we generate a panel of households whose homeownership we observe over a 15 year period and whose wealth accumulation we observe at three points in time: 1994, 1999 and 2001. We investigate the extent to which homeownership has an independent impact on the wealth accumulation of LMI households, controlling for a host of other variables and unobserved heterogeneity. Accounting for the skewed nature of the wealth distribution, we find that each additional year of homeownership increases total net wealth by $13.7 K on average for the full sample. Interacting income status with years of homeownership indicates that the impact of homeownership varies by income status, with each additional year of homeownership being associated with $15 K more in wealth holdings for high-income households and roughly $6 to 10 K more in wealth holdings for LMI households.     

Do homeowners achieve more household wealth in the long run?

Despite the public’s faith in homeownership as a vehicle for wealth creation, there are surprisingly few empirical studies of the independent impact of homeownership and its duration on household wealth accumulation. This paper provides the first empirical evidence that homeownership, after controlling for other drivers of wealth accumulation, is positively and significantly associated with wealth accumulation over time. Using the Panel Survey of Income Dynamics, it examines the influence of housing tenure choices between 1989 and 2001 on household net wealth levels in 2001 after controlling for initial wealth in 1989, location, income, education, and other family and personal characteristics that might influence the rate of wealth accumulation. Importantly, the models used also control for the tendency of households to accumulate wealth between 1984 and 1989 (five years prior to the studied period). This approach is used to address the possibility that an unobserved variable—the propensity to save or accumulate wealth—may be associated with both the probability and duration of homeownership and the rate of wealth accumulation. All else equal, those who owned homes and owned for longer periods of time had significantly higher household net wealth by 2001. These results are compelling because house price appreciation over the period was near its long-run average while stock gains were above and real rent increases below their long-run averages. Hence, the findings are suggestive of a positive influence of ownership over long periods on net wealth, even during a period when alternative investments produced higher than normal returns and rents grew slowly. This is especially important because the overwhelmingly majority of households do not sell their homes shortly after buying them. In our sample, those who became owners typically owned for 7 years. Furthermore, most households that bought during a period of declining real home values in the early 1990s continued to own their homes for at least eight years and came out well ahead of those who did not own.     

The effects of location-based tax policies on the distribution of household income: Evidence from the federal Empowerment Zone program

Location-based tax policies are redistributive as evidenced by their placement in distressed areas. However, the previous literature has focused on mean effects which can mask important effects that the program has on the distribution of households. Therefore, we extend the literature by studying changes in the entire household income distribution, in the context of the federal Empowerment Zone (EZ) program. We do not find evidence that the impoverished residents benefited from the program. Our findings are consistent with the areas becoming more attractive to high-income households. The improvements in the areas were concentrated in those portions of each zone that were relatively better-off prior to EZ designation. The results confirm the prior literature findings that the areas, on average, became more attractive but also suggest that the benefits of the program likely did not accrue to the lower-income residents of the EZ areas.     

Wealth spurt unlikely to offer much aid to the consumer

• ? UK households are wealthier than ever, thanks to continued growth in house prices and a buoyant stock market. However, the nature and distribution of that wealth means that support for consumer spending from a ‘wealth effect’ is likely to be both small and less than in the past.
• ? In Q4 2016, households' holdings of owner‐occupied property and net holdings of financial assets amounted to £9.2tr, almost 8% up on the level a year earlier. This was equivalent to 719% of annual household gross disposable income, a near‐record high.
• ? A long‐established feature of economics is the concept of a ‘wealth effect’ – the premise that faced with rising wealth levels, households feel more comfortable and economically secure and hence spend more. But the economic literature differs on how large this effect is.
• ? Our own Global Model suggests that the wealth effect is modest, with a 10% rise in wealth boosting consumer spending by only around 0.2%. One reason is that about half of financial wealth consists of highly illiquid assets in pension funds. But this component has recently been the biggest source of growth in wealth.
• ? Given differences in the propensity to consume out of income and wealth, the concentration of financial and housing assets among better‐off households will also act to neuter the size of any wealth effect. The wealthiest one percent of households hold around 20% of household wealth. But the bottom quartile owns only 1.5%.
• ? Meanwhile, the housing market has created an ever‐greater concentration of wealth. The share of households owning their own property fell from 71% to 63% in the decade to 2015. But the share of private renters more than doubled in the same period, from 9% to just over 19%. And the pre‐crisis appetite to finance consumption by borrowing against the value of property shows no sign of returning.

     

The measurement and structure of household wealth

This paper deals with methodological issues that arise in measuring household wealth. Two prominent American household surveys—the PSID and SCF—rely on different methodological approaches to the measurement of household wealth. In particular, SCF oversamples high-income households and has a far more extensive set of questions. In the top one percent of the wealth distribution, better measures of wealth are related to over-sampling of very wealthy households and the number of questions that are asked. However, one can characterize total household wealth holdings for the overwhelming majority of households with a relatively moderate number of questions. When successive waves of wealth modules are used to compute savings, the verdict on quality is more cautious, in part due to the inherently larger role measurement error plays in any first difference formulation.     

Analyzing the Relationships among Race,Wealth, and Home Ownership in America

This paper presents new evidence on the determinants of the large disparities in home ownership by race in the U.S. Consistent with results first reported by P. Linneman and S. M. Wachter (1989,AREOFA J.7, No. 4, 389–402), we find noceteris paribusracial differences in ownership rates among white and minority households who possess sufficient wealth to meet down payment and closing cost requirements associated with standard mortgage underwriting criteria. However, substantial racial differences among wealth-constrained households exist, with constrained whites owning at higher rates than observationally equivalent minority households. Because minorities are disproportionately constrained by wealth-related underwriting standards, these differentials apply to roughly one-third of the white households in our samples and well over one-half of the minority sample. A multinomial model that treats central city versus suburban location as a choice variable in addition to tenure status is also estimated. The results show that even among households unconstrained by wealth-related underwriting considerations, minorities are much more likely than whites to own in central city locations. Thus, while controlling for wealth constraint status does eliminate tenure choice differences among the unconstrained, location differences remain for this group. They also are present among constrained households. Given the disparate fortunes of central city and suburban land markets in many metropolitan areas, this racial location pattern of ownership may have important long-run impacts on wealth distribution by race.     

Financial accumulation implies ever-increasing wealth inequality

Wealth inequality is an important matter for economic theory and policy. The recent rise in wealth inequality has been discussed in connection with the recent development of active global financial markets. The existing literature on wealth distribution links wealth inequality to a variety of drivers. Our approach develops a minimalist modelling strategy that combines three featuring mechanisms: active financial markets, individual wealth accumulation and compound interest structure. We provide mathematical proof that accumulated financial investment returns involve ever-increasing wealth concentration and inequality across individual investors most of the time. This cumulative effect over space and time depends on financial accumulation processes, including under efficient financial markets, which generate a fair investment game that individual investors repeatedly play through time.

     

Wealth of a Nation

A bstract . In order to determine whether the distribution of wealth in American society uncovers deeper fault lines of inequality than income alone, data from the 1984 Survey of Income and Program Participation is examined. The findings indicate that: (1) aggregate shares of wealth held by households are distributed far more unevenly than income shares, with extreme concentrations at the upper levels; (2) the data on wealth shows that the condition of black America is far more precarious, marginalized, and unequal than was thought previously; (3) single and separated women hold few assets in comparison with their male from SIPP using the weights provided by the U.S. Census which approximates the U.S. population. Parallel analyses conducted on the weighted and unweighted samples showed similar results. 3. For a detailed analysis of black-white differences in wealth see Oliver and Shapiro (1989).     

Asset prices in an exchange economy when agents have heterogeneous homothetic recursive preferences and no risk free bond is available

We study a pure exchange economy under incomplete markets where households have heterogeneous homothetic recursive preferences and lending and borrowing are precluded. We fully characterize the properties of the efficient allocations and the equilibrium asset price. The ownership distribution dynamics reveal the emergence of a dominant agent, who after some finite time, remains the only investor that increases asset holdings until asymptotically owning the entire wealth. Investors can be ranked according to a unique parameter that aggregates agents’ preference characteristics and we show how time discount rate, attitude towards risk and intertemporal substitution contribute to capital accumulation.     

Does credit quality matter for homeownership?

While micro-level household data on wealth and income are available for assessing income- and wealth-based constraints to homeownership, lack of data on household credit ratings has precluded evaluation of credit quality as a potential barrier to homeownership. The study, for the first time, measures the relative importance of credit-, income-, and wealth-based constraints and estimates how the effects of these constraints have evolved over the past decade. The results show that financing constraints continue to have an important impact on potential homebuyers. The wealth constraint has the largest impact, although its importance declined substantially during the 1990s. Credit quality based constraints have become more important barriers to homeownership during the 1990s, mostly reflecting an increase in the number of households with impaired credit quality. Thus, both wealth and credit constraints persist as barriers to the attainment of homeownership.     

What drives equity market non-participation?

This paper produces endogenous equity market non-participation in an economy with uninsurable labor income risk and heterogeneous skill levels. Prudence and impatience generate stationary household wealth levels that depend on income. Skill, and therefore labor income, heterogeneity leads to wealth heterogeneity, with high skill households accumulating high wealth and low skill households accumulating low wealth. A HARA class utility with subsistence consumption requirement generates decreasing RRA with respect to household wealth. Consequently, low skill households also have significantly higher local RRA. In addition low skill households have less human capital and therefore have lower diversification demand for stocks. Low wealth, high RRA and low diversification demand predicts that low skill households do not hold stocks in the face of a moderate ownership cost. In addition, the model predicts a humped lifecycle wealth accumulation pattern and a humped lifecycle stock allocation pattern. I also find that stockholders exhibit a greater aggregate willingness to supply risky capital during the expansion phase of a business cycle, despite the lower conditional equity premium.     

The winners and losers of tax reform: An assessment under financial integration

I quantify the macroeconomic and redistributive effects of the unilateral elimination of the capital income tax in a two-country, heterogeneous-agent incomplete markets model with progressive labor income taxes. Home, by implementing the reform, induces government responses where labor income is taxed in Home and mostly subsidized in Foreign. In addition, post-reform price dynamics reduce Home’s wealth and suppress households’ ability to do consumption smoothing, with negative effects on the majority—particularly on the poor. In turn, Foreign accumulates wealth, and price movements work particularly in favor of the poor. As a result, a large majority in Home prefers the status quo whereas Foreign supports the reform unanimously. These findings are robust to alternative scenarios where (i) the borrowing constraints are relaxed, (ii) both countries jointly eliminate capital income taxes, (iii) foreign interest income is taxed, and (iv) Home capital income tax is reduced from 40% to 35%.     

WEALTH EFFECTS AND MACROECONOMIC DYNAMICS

The effect of wealth on consumption is an issue of long‐standing interest to economists. Conventional wisdom suggests that fluctuations in household wealth have driven major swings in economic activity both in the United States and abroad. This paper considers the so‐called consumption wealth effects. There is an extensive existing literature on wealth effects that has yielded some insights. For example, research has documented the relationship between aggregate household wealth and aggregate consumption over time, and a large number of household‐level studies suggest that wealth effects are larger for households facing credit constraints. However, there are also many unresolved issues regarding the influence of household wealth on consumption. We review the most important of these issues and argue that there is a need for much more research in these areas as well as better data sources for conducting such analysis.     

Assistance to poor households when income is not observed: targeted in-kind and in-cash transfers

Policymakers frequently design self-targeting programs or target poor areas to assist poor families when income is not observed. Self-targeting schemes take advantage of differences in participation costs in assistance programs across households. Geographic targeting assumes that transfers are solely determined by the region of residence: to receive the benefits, households not initially present in the targeted areas must relocate away from their original place of residence and live with the poor, which entails a cost that can also be interpreted as a participation cost in the assistance program. The paper shows that a combination of in-kind and in-cash transfers tied to the consumption of a publicly provided private good targeted to the poor becomes very useful when non-poor households have different participation costs. By distinguishing users and non-users of public facilities additional in-cash transfers can be directed to the poor more effectively. The paper demonstrates that the publicly provided good ends up being undersupplied, and the distortion becomes less important as participation costs rise. More importantly, it shows that this kind of redistributive program dominates a pure in-cash scheme.     

The long run effects of changes in tax progressivity

This paper compares the steady-state outcomes of revenue-neutral changes to the progressivity of the tax schedule. Our economy features heterogeneous households who differ in their preferences and permanent labor productivities, but it does not have idiosyncratic risk. We find that increases in the progressivity of the tax schedule are associated with long-run distributions with greater aggregate income, wealth, and labor input. Average hours generally declines as the tax schedule becomes more progressive implying that the economy substitutes away from less-productive workers toward more-productive workers. Finally, as progressivity increases, income inequality is reduced and wealth inequality rises. Many of these results are qualitatively different than those found in models with idiosyncratic risk, and therefore suggest closer attention should be paid to modeling the insurance opportunities of households.     

House price appreciation, liquidity constraints, and second mortgages

This paper analyzes how households use second mortgages in response to shocks to housing wealth. Two related questions are examined: Do households use home equity in response to house price appreciation? Are liquidity constraints important for homeowners? A theoretical model shows that liquidity-constrained households respond more strongly to house price changes than unconstrained households. Using PSID, I find noteworthy differences in borrowing patterns of homeowners by the ratio of wealth to income. Low wealth-to-income homeowners exhibit a strong reaction to house price appreciation, whereas high wealth-to-income ones do not. The results indicate the importance of liquidity constraints among homeowners.     

House price appreciation,liquidity constraints,and second mortgages

This paper analyzes how households use second mortgages in response to shocks to housing wealth. Two related questions are examined: Do households use home equity in response to house price appreciation? Are liquidity constraints important for homeowners? A theoretical model shows that liquidity-constrained households respond more strongly to house price changes than unconstrained households. Using PSID, I find noteworthy differences in borrowing patterns of homeowners by the ratio of wealth to income. Low wealth-to-income homeowners exhibit a strong reaction to house price appreciation, whereas high wealth-to-income ones do not. The results indicate the importance of liquidity constraints among homeowners.     

Reducing government debt in the presence of inequality

What are the welfare effects of government debt? In particular, what are the welfare consequences of government debt reductions? We answer these questions with the help of an incomplete markets economy with production. Households are subject to uninsurable income shocks. We make several contributions. First, by targeting the skewed wealth and earnings distribution of the US economy in our calibration, we identify inequality as the major driver of the welfare effects of public debt/GDP changes. Second, we show that in order to fully gauge the welfare consequences and the political feasibility of government debt changes, it is crucial to consider the transitional dynamics between stationary equilibria. Our results therefore have important implications for the design of debt reduction policies. Since the skewed wealth distribution generates a large fraction of borrowing-constrained households, a public debt reduction should be non-linear, such that the tax burden is postponed into the future.     

Public insurance and private savings: who is affected and by how much?

This paper employs a recently developed instrumental quantile regression method to investigate the effect of Medicaid on household savings across different wealth groups. It finds that the disincentive effect of Medicaid on household savings is heavily concentrated in the middle net‐worth households. In contrast, the effects on the bottom and top net‐worth households are quite small and insignificant. These heterogeneous incentive effects are partly explained by Medicaid asset tests. Our findings hold regardless of whether affluence is measured in terms of wealth or income. They suggest that despite generating substantial crowd‐out for the mean household, Medicaid expansions are unlikely to discourage the savings of the poorest households. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.