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1.
村委会民主直选是件好事 ,但是也出现了一些矛盾和问题 :一是离心倾向。一些村委会干部因为有一定的群众基础而轻视党支部 ,甚至以“老大”自居 ,对村务工作的大事自做主张 ,凌驾于党支部之上 ,造成村委会和党支部的对立。二是出现了偏重对下负责的倾向。一些村干部在权力观、利益观上产生错位 ,以狭隘的报恩意识片面强调群众的眼前利益和局部利益 ,甚至违背政策迁就、包庇部分落后群众的不正当要求和不良行为 ,不能很好地处理国家、集体、个人三者的利益关系。三是出现了为宗族、宗派谋私利的倾向。尽管新时期广大农民群众的素质有了较大提…  相似文献   

2.
注意提高“公认”主体的素质杨洪榜,刘汉军群众公认是我们党选拔使用干部的一项重要原则。提高“公认”主体素质.是落实群众公认原则的必要条件。人民群众是公认各级干部政绩优劣、品行好坏的主体。从目前现状看,“公认”主体普遍存在着思想认识水平低,参政议政的能动...  相似文献   

3.
村民自治是农村基层民主建设的重要内容,本文从村民自治进程中涉及到的多种利益主体出发,将村民自治委员会与党支部、基层政府、经济组织、宗族势力、村民代表大会、村民小组的关系进行分析比较,以期最终达到各利益主体在制度化和操作性上的"和谐"统一。  相似文献   

4.
李新华 《开放时代》2000,(11):68-71
乡镇政府借助于村党支部对村庄自治事务的干预,使村民自治成为虚假的自治。最终,村自治组织只能沦为村党支部或乡镇政府下的行政组织,或是“兼有自治型和行政化的双重特点”。如何在保持农村稳定、坚持党的领导的前提下解开支书权威这个死结,是中国农村民主化进程中必须认真面对的问题。  相似文献   

5.
一、村委“一肩挑”运行机制的概述 村委“一肩挑”运行机制即通过合法程序,实现村级“党政合一”,以两委成员交叉任职的办法来避免村支部和村委会之间产生矛盾或关系紧张化。该机制主要首先是由党员和群众分两个层次推荐“一肩挑”人选,然后进行选举,选举有两种方法:(1)先选村民委员会委员、后选党支部委员。为此,具有党员资格的候选人参与村民委员会成员(包括村主任)竞选,在依法选举产生村民委员会成员以后,如果具有党员身份的候选人被选举为村民委员会成员(包括村主任)后,再经过党内选举程序,产生党支部书记及支部成员。这是先选村委会成员后选党支部成员;(2)先选党支部成员,后选村民委员会成员。先选举产生村党支部书记及其他成员,然后党支部书记及其他成员参与村委会主任及其他成员,经选民有效选举当选的则成为“一肩挑”干部。  相似文献   

6.
一、理论上的思考所谓“两推一选” ,是指村党支部进行选举时 ,先由党员公开报名、公开答辩、公开竞争 ,在此基础上 ,分别进行党内民主推选和党外群众推荐 ,上级党委综合“两推”结果 ,按照组织程序确定候选人 ,然后按党章规定进行党内选举 ,产生党支部班子成员。实行“两推一选” ,是为了在村民自治的新形势下 ,强固村党支部的领导核心地位 ,是为了进一步加强村党支部建设 ,更好地实践“三个代表”。首先 ,农村党支部建设的实践发展要求改革原有选任机制。长期以来 ,在农村党支部成员的任免上 ,上级党委的意志往往起着决定性作用。党员对党…  相似文献   

7.
提高农村党支部班子整体水平安进喜党的十四届四中全会以来,望都县委紧紧围绕中央提出的"五个好"目标,把提高党支部班子素质作为加强农村党建的着力点。县委在强化三个意识(宗旨意识、民主意识、法纪意识),增强一个本领(带领群众致富的本领)上下功夫,使全县农村...  相似文献   

8.
在公务员队伍中,地税干部无疑是比较突出亮眼的一份子,主要表现在工作的独立性强,自由空间大,社会接触面广,权力意识重和群众聚焦率高.行业的特点决定地税干部的综合素质要高,但干部队伍的现实并非如此.  相似文献   

9.
一、党群、干群之间的矛盾。党群之间和干群之间的矛盾是当今农村较普遍存在的一种矛盾,是部分农村党员、干部的自身素质与群众愿望不相适应的集中体现。在经济飞速发展的今天,群众的自我保护意识、民主参政意识和求富心理越来越强烈,而部分农村党员、干部仍然因循守旧,用旧眼光、老办法来看待、解决今天的新问题,导致群众不满。另外,部分农村干部处事不公、为政不廉、作风武断和假民主、假公开都是诱发干群矛盾的根源。因此,解决这类矛盾的关键是在提高党员、干部的自身素质上下功夫。要加强党员、干部的理论学习。要充分发挥乡镇党…  相似文献   

10.
农村换届选举以后产生的难点、热点问题主要表现在四个方面 :一是当选干部与原党支部班子的矛盾。有的村党支部书记是老的 ,村主任是新的 ,互不配合 ,新干部认为是选上来的“硬气” ,老干部认为新当选村干部与自己合不来 ,工作不配合。二是上台干部泄私愤。上台干部认为只有搞清下台干部的问题 ,才能对得起选民 ,所以他们上台以后不是想办法把工作干好 ,而是把问题搞大。三是少数离任干部为达到重新上台的目的 ,拉帮结派 ,搞幕后操纵 ,利用现任干部工作中的某些失误 ,夸大事实 ,组织少数与村干部有矛盾的人 ,煽动群众上访告状。四是部分手里…  相似文献   

11.
12.
The economic literature on body mass index (BMI) and marital dissolution uses simple correlations to suggest that it is the latter that alters the former. We argue here that the opposite is also possible because the higher the BMI, the lower the remarriage potential and the greater the demand for health care, which should decrease the probability of marital dissolution. We empirically explore the role of BMI on marital dissolution showing that those who are overweight are more likely to stay married. This is maintained when we examine causality by exploiting the exogeneity of the dates during which data are collected combined with BMI’s seasonality. Although BMI appears to stabilize marriage, this implies a reduction in the bargaining power of individuals with a high BMI in marriage, which, according to our findings, has a greater impact on White women.  相似文献   

13.
基于柔性制造的大规模定制能够有效地解决需求多样化与大规模生产之间的冲突,并为现代制造企业提供一种全新的竞争模式。首先,介绍了柔性制造与大规模定制的内涵;其次,结合国内外现状进行了较为全面的综述;最后,针对基于柔性制造的大规模定制问题进行了总结和展望。  相似文献   

14.
Why do some newly introduced revolutionary governments face anti-government demonstrations and swiftly exit office, while others are able to establish political regimes that last for decades? Historical evidence finds revolutionary governments in the first decade of twenty-first century to be three times more vulnerable to mass protest than a hundred years ago. What can explain this trend? This paper relates the stability of newly emerged revolutionary governments to the political composition of the protest that brings a new incumbent to power and in factors that can shape it. Our theoretical model, incorporating protest into a dynamic Downsian framework, features the significant role of protest coordination, communication technology, ideology, and the coercive capacity of the regime. This paper contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it discusses a new historical trend of instability of revolutionary governments. Second, it proposes a model that helps to understand the growing instability of revolutionary regimes, as well as conditions that undermine stability. In equilibrium, it is possible to have a revolutionary government overthrown by popular uprising, despite the fact that it gained power on the wave of popular support. Third, we demonstrate that under a set of conditions, the new incumbent would always come from a different part of political spectrum compared to the current leader.  相似文献   

15.
Using vouchers to privatize state-owned firms was an innovative but controversial aspect of transition. In the Czech Republic, voucher privatization created a large group of minority shareholders who coexisted with large shareholder–managers who controlled firms. Critics allege that the structure of shareholdings and regulatory failures allowed pervasive theft of corporate assets, much of it financed by irresponsible bank lending, and led to a financial crisis and an economic downturn. I argue that neither anecdotal evidence of managerial malfeasance nor the theories of tunneling and looting provide strong evidence for this view of corporate governance in the Czech Republic. A lack of small shareholder protection seems to have imposed small costs on the economy, and it may have facilitated rather than hampered the restructuring of firms.  相似文献   

16.
In this paper we study the economic behaviour of the suppliers of a set of advanced telecommunications services with a joint adoption cost (common access facilities, learning process, etc.). In fixing the two-part tariffs for their services the suppliers have to share the burden of leaving to the users a surplus sufficient to cover the adoption cost. The lack of coordination in supplying a critical mass of services or in the pricing decisions has high changes to result in suboptimal or unviable diffusion of the new technology as a whole. We present a static optimization model of user behaviour, and derive access and usage demand with a two-part tariff and a joint adoption cost. We compare noncooperative and cooperative market equilibria in a duopoly with perfect information; finally we discuss the extension of our analysis to the case of imperfect information in a dynamic setting.  相似文献   

17.
从古今中外学者对“文化”概念的理解和文化价值批判理论出发,分析当代中国大众文化的“非文化化”现象,认为当前大众文化丧失了精神价值的视野和人文精神的关怀,导致文化的内在性价值逐渐失落而工具性价值却El益高扬。因此,制定切合中国实际情况的大众文化发展战略、正确处理好大众文化发展中经济价值和内在价值的关系以及实现主流文化、精英文化与大众文化的健康互动是大众文化重建的基本思路。  相似文献   

18.
群众路线是党的生命线,也是提高我国社会治理能力的重要法宝.分析了当前我国社会治理领域存在的问题和原因,并从密切联系群众的角度提出了相应的对策建议,以期对新时期提高社会治理能力有所裨益.  相似文献   

19.
我国高等教育大众化发展现状与对策研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
陈刚  马扬  李俊 《科技进步与对策》2003,20(10):168-170
从1999年实行扩招开始,中国的高等教育已走了上大众化的道路,但其通过精英教育的体制来完成高等教育大众化的策略存在着根本缺陷。从分析目前我国高等教育大众化的问题入手,以西方尤其是日本高等教育的大众化为借鉴,对中国高等教育的大众化提出了相关的建议与对策。  相似文献   

20.
This paper analyses a market where two sources of information sell reports to a population of readers. Sources care about the outcome of a two-party election where the readers vote according to the information received. The paper discusses whether or not pluralism matters as regards the truthfulness of information disclosures at an equilibrium, and whether we should expect the majority of the population to be less well informed than the minority. Given the definition adopted in the paper, pluralism is found to matter only to a limited extent: the minority source provides better information than the majority source, independently of whether they share or not the same political goals. On the other hand, the pattern with a well informed élite and a less informed majority turns out to be an equilibrium outcome when political choices are made exclusively by the winning party. The paper also compares the previous case with the one where political choices are influenced by both parties, to an extent which depends in a continuous way on their shares in the population. (JEL: L82, Z1, D72)  相似文献   

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