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1.
The initiative to set up the single European market has aroused fears abroad, and indeed even within Europe itself, that the intention is to turn the Community into a “Fortress Europe”. Attempts to allay these fears by the Council of Ministers, the EC Commission or individuals representing them have achieved little success, and on occasion have actually tended to be counter-productive. Is “Fortress Europe” an illusion or a real danger?  相似文献   

2.
The European Community has frequently been blamed for impairing, through its highly protectionist agricultural policy, the development chances of Third World countries. Our article analyses whether, and to what extent, this reproach is justified.  相似文献   

3.
The nineties have seen a number of developments which will have major consequences for international agricultural trade. Will the changed conditions in the world agricultural markets enable less developed countries (LDCs) and Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) to exploit their comparative advantages better, or will the reforms further squeeze them out of the industrial countries’ markets?  相似文献   

4.
The current American and European mutual accusations of agricultural protectionism are an obvious case of the pot calling the kettle black. What series of events led up to this confrontation? And how can the conflict situation be eased?  相似文献   

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The seventh round of GATT negotiations was brought to a conclusion in the spring of this year. One of the objects for the USA was to correct the trend of world trade which had been to its disadvantage. Its main concern was to bring about a settlement of the trade relations with the western industrialized states and the EC in particular. Has the USA achieved these aims?  相似文献   

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在经济全球化,国际贸易日趋激烈化的趋势下,科技日新月异,同时也随之产生了国际贸易中的又一重要手段一技术性贸易壁垒(Technical Barriers to Trade—TBT)。所谓技术性贸易壁垒,是指一国以维护国家安全,或保护人类健康和安全,保护动植物的生命和健康,保护生念环境,或防止欺诈行为,保证产品质量为由,采取一些强制性或非强制性的技术性措施,这  相似文献   

9.
The European Community regards its current agricultural policy “reforms” as an adjustment to the reality of the market and hence as a contribution to easing the strains in world agricultural trade and reducing worldwide distortions in resource allocation. A detailed analysis gives ground for scepticism.  相似文献   

10.
高瑞荣  曹炳汝 《江苏商论》2011,(12):100-103
中、日建交以来,双边贸易关系越来越密切。但随着两国农产品贸易交流与合作的不断发展,其贸易摩擦也与日俱增,这影响了中日贸易的健康发展。本文从分析中国对日农产品出口贸易的贸易规模、产品结构等入手,得出对日农产品贸易的特点。然后,通过介绍两个重点贸易摩擦事件,分析其原因。  相似文献   

11.
Sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures are one form of non‐tariff international trade barrier with the objective of requiring consumer and intermediate goods to be safe and to provide information to protect consumers from deceptive practices. However, such barriers could severely restrict trade. The central strategy of the World Trade Organization's (WTO) SPS Agreement is to use science to distinguish between those SPS measures consistent with the Agreement and those in violation of the Agreement. SPS measures belong to what is known as trans‐science questions or questions which can be asked of science and yet which cannot be answered by science. Because of the presence of scientific uncertainty, science policies adopted by members should be identified by the WTO. WTO panels should not, however, establish scientific policies. Prohibitive measures would seem rather incompatible with the role the WTO assumed trying to promote free trade. Rather, facilitating the distribution of available information regarding SPS and food safety risk, or a lack of it, to consumers in importing countries would help them to make better informed decisions according to their own preferences and risk aversion.  相似文献   

12.
Current literature shows the welfare superiority of ad valorem over specific tariffs or domestic governments facing foreign monopolists. This note establishes the stronger result that, for any given specific tariff imposed on a foreign monopoly, there exists an ad valorem tariff that Pareto dominates it - that produces larger profit for the foreign firm as well as larger tariff revenue and consumer surplus for the domestic economy. This Pareto ranking can be extended to the case of foreign Cournot oligopoly under certain market conditions.  相似文献   

13.
Lefeldt  Mathias  Schneider  Albert 《Intereconomics》1977,12(11):293-300

The European Economic Community has now been in existence for about 20 years. Five years have elapsed since it was enlarged. What progress have the member countries made in the integration of their foreign trade? What would be the repercussions of a southward extension of the EC to take in Greece, Portugal and Spain?

  相似文献   

14.
绿色壁垒与我国农产品贸易   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1  
随着经济全球化的加深,贸易自由化的发展,以及全球生态环境的进一步恶化,尤其是GATT/WTO乌拉圭回合谈判的最终协议实施以后,世界贸易组织成员相互扩大开放市场,进一步降低出口关税,削减进出口配额和许可证制,从而使关税壁垒和传统的非关税保护手段的活动余地明显减少。在此情况下,各国为了保护本国市场,纷纷利用世界贸易组织关于环境保护的例外条款,在环境保护上做文章,通过颁布实施严格的环保法规和相对苛刻的环保技术标准,设置绿色贸易壁垒。绿色壁垒客观上是由于各国环境标准法规不一致造成的,主观上则是发达国家为了保…  相似文献   

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16.
Investment liberalization and international trade   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This paper estimates the cross-price elasticity of exports with respect to investment costs for bilateral relations between 36 countries. We show that the effect of reducing foreign direct investment costs on exports depends on country characteristics and trade costs as predicted by the [Markusen, 1997] and [Markusen, 2002] model. When countries differ in relative factor endowments and trade costs are low, investment liberalization stimulates exports, whereas when countries are similar in terms of relative factor endowments and size, and trade costs are moderate to high, investment liberalization reduces exports.  相似文献   

17.
Lobbying costs and trade policy   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
We study how endogenous lobbying costs influence trade policies. Although in practice lobbying expenditures far exceed campaign contributions, the literature on the political economy of trade policy has focused on the latter. In this paper we develop a model in which informational lobbying costs play a role in determining the structure of protection. In the model, special interest groups can choose to send a signal to the policymaker regarding some information they possess, and the policymaker observes the signal before setting the trade policies. We find that lobbying expenditures directly affect the equilibrium policies. In order to test the predictions of the model we collected data on lobbying expenditures from the Center for Responsible Politics as well as data on trade and industry characteristic variables for the United States from other sources. We perform a structural estimation of the equilibrium trade policies and find support for our model. The empirical evidence indicates that lobbying expenditures play an important role in explaining the variation of protection across sectors. Moreover, the model leads to considerably lower and more reasonable estimates of the weight that the government places on social welfare relative to political contributions.  相似文献   

18.
Klaus Boeck 《Intereconomics》1973,8(11):336-339
On December 31, 1973 ends the first phase of the gradual realisation of an economic and monetary union which the EC-states undertook to form between themselves1. Till then the Ministerial Council will still have to take a number of basic decisions, which are regarded as essential for a succesful conclusion of the first phase.  相似文献   

19.
《进出口经理人》2010,(7):10-10
今天的外贸与10年前有何不同?几乎没有异议,电子商务(E—commerce)的应用是近年来发生的最大变化。当电子商务成为趋势时,电子商务就成为外贸曲折的路径中最短的那条。  相似文献   

20.
International trade transactions present unique commercial and legal risks, and hence specialized forms of financing are required.  相似文献   

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