共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Nikolaj Malchow-Mller Jakob Roland Munch Sanne Schroll Jan Rose Skaksen 《Economics Letters》2008,100(2):254-257
Using the European Social Survey 2002/3, we develop a new test of whether economic self-interest influences people's attitudes towards immigration, exploiting that people have widely different perceptions of the consequences of immigration. 相似文献
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《Journal of Comparative Economics》2021,49(3):733-750
Does the politico–economic system affect preferences for immigration? In this study, I show that individuals exposed to life under state socialism have formed and persistently hold different attitudes toward immigration. By exploiting the division and reunification of Germany, I estimate the influence of state socialism on attitudes toward immigration. Drawing on rich individual panel data, I find that East Germans who lived under state socialism, are 15 percent more likely to oppose immigration than West Germans who spent their entire life in a democratic, capitalist country. This difference in attitudes toward immigration is persistent over time and across space, and largest for cohorts born and raised under state socialism. This gap in attitudes can be traced back to a longer-term deterioration in trust. Evidence from members of a group that opposed the authoritarian system highlights the importance of state socialist ideology for attitude formation. 相似文献
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This paper draws on Swiss direct democracy to review the Swiss experience with immigration, which has been shaped strongly by regular voting on immigration policies. Relying on two unique post-vote data-sets on how Swiss citizens voted on initiatives directed at containing the proportion of foreigners in the population, we improve on past empirical evidence by by-passing the problem of “hypothetical bias” present in the analysis of conventional survey data. Controlling for the participation bias due to non-mandatory voting, we find evidence that the hypothetical bias hampering pre-vote surveys may be large but that turnout does not have a decisive influence on the outcome of a vote. Confirming political–economy predictions, education matters in the shaping of immigration preferences but non-economic arguments also play an important role. 相似文献
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Cultural prejudice rather than self interest is the conventional wisdom for why voters respond negatively to immigration. Using a new measure of unauthorized immigrants based on self‐reported invalid social security numbers, we show that voters’ responses are more nuanced than mere prejudice against minorities. Using county level data from the U.S. state of Georgia, we find that voters in counties with above median levels of unauthorized workers are more likely to support the Republican Party. We also find that wealthier counties and wealthier voters are most likely to respond negatively to the unauthorized. Our evidence warns against arguments that depict opposition to immigration as motivated solely by xenophobia and cultural fears among lower income Whites. 相似文献
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Studies of public opinion on immigration have focused on the responses to survey questions about whether the individual would prefer more or less immigration (preference) but not on his or her assessment of its importance as a policy issue (salience). Analysis of data from the European Social Survey and Eurobarometer indicates that preference and salience are associated with different individual-level characteristics. At the national level they move differently over time and in response to different macro-level variables. Both dimensions of opinion must be taken into account as influences on the formation of immigration policy. 相似文献
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Timothy J. Hatton 《The Scandinavian journal of economics》2015,117(2):347-368
The United States Immigration Act of 1965 was followed by a steep upward trend in total immigration, and by a dramatic shift in the source‐country composition away from Europe and towards Asia and Latin America. In this paper I ask if and how the 1965 Act generated these unanticipated consequences. The result was partly because of the pre‐existing legislation and partly because of the admission of immigrants outside the terms of the Act. However, much of it was a result of the Act itself, and specifically because of family reunification effects that were larger, the poorer the source country. 相似文献
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The determinants of individual attitudes towards immigration 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:3
The paper formulates hypotheses and reports on individual attitudes towards immigration based on data for 24 countries on socioeconomic position, sociodemographic characteristics and political attitudes. The results are consistent with the predictions of factor proportions trade theory, but also suggest that a range of other economic and cultural factors influence attitudes towards immigration. 相似文献
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Zaruhi Sahakyan 《The German Economic Review》2019,20(4):e852-e871
I analyze the competition among different countries for ‘desirable’ and ‘undesirable’ potential immigrants, using both an immigration quota and a level of (imperfect) ‘scrutiny’ that would‐be immigrants face. Scrutiny imposes costs on immigrants and therefore makes it less attractive to immigrate. The number of applying undesirable immigrants increases in immigration quota and decreases in the level of scrutiny. In contrast, the number of desirable applicants can go in either direction as scrutiny increases and is independent of the immigration quota, because an increase in the immigration quota is completely crowded out by more applications by undesirable immigrants. 相似文献
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Gabriele Orcalli 《Constitutional Political Economy》2007,18(1):1-20
The EU’s immigration policy is evaluated from the standpoint of constitutional economics. The main conclusion is that European
immigration policy is trapped in a system of constitutional regulations that is too rigid as it is exclusively oriented towards
the protection and securitisation of European borders. As such, it is not capable of allowing the development of a problem-solving capacity based on successive
trials, and this produces negative outcomes for the whole of the EU.
相似文献
Gabriele OrcalliEmail: |
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Alfred E. Kahn 《Journal of economic issues》2013,47(2):301-307
This paper provides an institutionalist analysis of the impasse over labor issues that has stalled much needed reform of U.S. immigration policy. While it is unlikely that institutional economics can dislodge a century of conventional wisdom regarding the impact of immigrants on the labor market, a more modest goal is to refute the mainstream economic assertion that what the United States needs to do is to reduce the supply of immigrants, a conclusion that fuels the disgraceful "war on immigrants" that has long plagued reasonable debate over immigration policy. 相似文献
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This article applies the Blinder–Oaxaca methodology in order to dissect the average earnings differentials between Greek workers and three different groups of immigrants into a part attributed to differences in characteristics and a part due to discrimination. It also seeks to identify the effect of assimilation (i.e. postmigration human capital) on immigrants’ earnings. We use information about 8429 individuals, of which 1185 are immigrants. The data are drawn from the Greek Labour Force Survey (2009). Our results suggest that discrimination is significantly higher for immigrants originating from non-EU countries than it is for EU foreigners, while it is negative for those who terminated education in Greece. Also, there is evidence that (i) post-migration human capital is a significant determinant of immigrants earnings, (ii) there is limited transferability of skills between sending countries and Greece and (iii) education is the main determinant of the wage gap between natives and immigrants. 相似文献
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Akinori Tomohara 《Applied economics letters》2017,24(18):1280-1284
This article presents a study of the effects of immigration on trade and FDI. Our analysis is distinct from previous work because it systematically examines the interactions between immigration, trade and FDI. Previous studies treated FDI–immigration relationships as being independent of the modes of foreign market access. Using bilateral data of Japan and 28 other economies for the period 1996–2011, our analysis shows that FDI inflows become more dominant compared to imports when skilled immigration flows increase and less dominant when unskilled immigration flows increase. The results suggest that the relevant policy instruments as regards the promotion of trade, FDI and immigration should vary depending on economic goals, such as current account balances and labour shortages. 相似文献
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U.S. citizens against immigration argue that immigrants commit voter fraud and skew election outcomes towards progressive candidates. These arguments have increased in number and severity since the Supreme Court ruled in 2013 that states cannot require photo identification from voters. We examine whether the size of the non-citizen population is related to election outcomes. Previous research indicates that non-citizens sway elections in favour of progressive candidates but only in elections where the victory margin is small. We find no evidence of a relationship between non-citizens and vote outcomes. We find evidence that the percent of the population that is non-white is positively related to percent of votes cast for democratic candidates. 相似文献
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Large parts of the population of third-world immigrants to rich countries have not been successfully integrated into domestic labor markets and so are not productively employed. A potential “immigration surplus” has therefore not been realized. These circumstances have been explained with reference to irrational behavior by natives (acting out of racism) and/or malevolent motives of either natives or immigrants, or both. In this paper, I propose an explanation for labor-market exclusion of immigrants as the optimal outcome of objectives of rational egalitarianism: that is, all people are rational and behave solely in accord with ethical socially irreproachable motives. The explanation fits the stylized facts of the Danish case. The predictions are also consistent with observed inter-country differences in labor-market exclusion of immigrants. 相似文献
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Ron Hira 《Technological Forecasting and Social Change》2004,71(8):837-854
The export-led growth of India's information technology (IT) industry has been nothing short of phenomenal over the past half-dozen years. Other studies have provided a number of explanations for the growth. This paper proposes that a significant factor has been overlooked or understated in prior explanations. Specifically, the Indian IT industry has utilized U.S. immigration regulations for competitive advantage to accelerate its growth. The importance of this factor is estimated through quantitative data analysis at the macro and firm levels. The analysis helps to explain why India's IT industry grew while that of other developing countries, with similar human capital resources and wage rates, did not. The U.S. Congress is currently debating U.S. immigration policies and may change them in the near future. Any changes will have significant effects on the future growth pattern of the Indian IT industry. Many developing countries have recognized India's success, and policymakers in those countries are implementing strategies to replicate it. The results from this study may help those policymakers better understand a key factor of India's success in exporting IT. 相似文献
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杜红亮 《全球科技经济瞭望》2014,(10):69-76
移民积分制是一种挑选移民主要是高技能人才的重要政策工具,在一些具有移民传统的发达国家和地区广泛使用,并受到越来越多的国家关注。目前,实施移民积分制的国家,一类为实施积分制,另一类为实施类积分制,这两类的典型国家分别为加拿大和德国。通过概述加拿大积分制和德国类积分制的实践,深入分析了移民积分制的实施前提、主要特征,剖析了实施移民积分制的优点和不足,继而对实施和调整移民积分制的整体框架进行了反思与归纳。我国当前仍处在经济社会快速发展的阶段,迫切需要各类科技人才,必须加快移民积分制的实施,但在实施过程中,应该注意对实施对象的范围做出严格限定,所制定的积分制要有利于满足高层次科技创新创业人才以多种方式来中国发展的需求,并可采取国家、省级两级积分体系。 相似文献
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Kjetil Storesletten 《The Scandinavian journal of economics》2003,105(3):487-506
Focusing on the net fiscal effects, the gain from admitting immigrants is computed for a welfare state with large expenditures and a large tax burden (Sweden). Prices and behavior are held constant, which allows a detailed analysis of the effects of immigration. The present value of future tax revenues minus outlays is potentially large; USD 23,500 per young working‐age immigrant, but an average new immigrant represents a net government loss of USD 20,500. The dominant factors are employment rates and age. For young working‐age immigrants, the “break‐even” participation rate for which the gain would be zero is 60%, well below the empirical rate for this group. 相似文献
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Abstract Since 1986, the United States has made considerable efforts to curb undocumented immigration across the US–Mexico border, resulting in an increase in migration costs for undocumented immigrants from Mexico and placing a particularly heavy burden on undocumented immigrant women. Using data from the 1990, 2000 Decennial Census and the 2006–8 American Community Survey, this study finds three effects of rising migration costs for immigrants from Mexico: (1) A decrease in the relative flow of older and highly educated undocumented immigrant women relative to men; (2) An increase in the skill composition of immigrant women relative to men; and (3) An increase, due to stronger positive selection, in the average earnings of those groups most affected by increased migration costs, particularly women. This research has important implications in light of the barriers and increasing dangers that women across the globe may face when migrating. 相似文献
20.
Immigrants differ from the native born in terms of unobserved factors, such as motivation, and observed factors, including those related to the interruption of labour market activity and earning capacity, which may bias estimates of immigrant integration. Using panel data from the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics, we show that using potential experience, rather than actual experience, exaggerates estimates of the disruption and recovery caused by immigration. More importantly, we find support for omitted variables bias, arising from unobserved fixed effects. Instrumental variable estimates for both pooled and separate samples of immigrant and native born men demonstrate a wage disadvantage for immigrants upon entry that persists through their lifetime. Standard estimates of a modest wage advantage for the children of immigrants also suffer from omitted variables bias arising from unobservables. Contrary to most of the literature to date, our instrumental variable estimates which allow for unobservable fixed effects suggest that immigrants never catch up to otherwise comparable native born workers, but their children do just as well.
We would like to thank Statistics Canada for permitting access to the data and solving associated technical problems, the Prairier Centre for Research on Immigration and Integration for financial assistance, and Peter Schnabl for excellent research assistance. An earlier version of this paper was presented to the 10th International Conference on Panel Data in Berlin, July 5–6, 2002. The authors take sole responsibility for errors, omissions and interpretation of the data. 相似文献