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正根据《浙江省非物质文化遗产保护发展指数评估指标数据(2016年度)》,截至2016年底,全省国家级非遗项目已达到217项,传承人数量为122人,省级非遗项目达到1076项,传承人数量为936人。就宁波市来看,宁波非物质文化遗产传承保护工作自2004年启动以来,以机制为先导,坚持从规范、管理、制度入手,卓有成效地开展非遗保护的探索与实践,使传承保护工作始终走在全国前列。在取得一定成绩的同时,我们也要清醒地意识到当前非遗工作存在的问题。 相似文献
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非物质文化遗产具有的一般公共产品特性及外部性,是导致市场失灵的主要原因。作为非遗外部性解决手段的政府干预,重要表现是通过法律制度或公共管制在界定产权或削减交易成本方面发挥作用。《非物质文化遗产法》作为行政法调整非遗保护的典型,必将对鼓励和保护非遗正外部性产生深远积极影响,但其缺点是难于兼顾对私权的尊重。日本、韩国"文化财产"概念以及我国台湾地区"文化资产"概念可以为我们提供某些启示。 相似文献
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省人大教科文卫委员会办公室 《当代陕西》2014,(2)
陕西是中华民族、华夏文化的重要发祥地之一,是名副其实的文化大省,非物质文化遗产资源非常丰富,目前,我省经文化部批准设立了陕北、羌族两个"国家级文化生态保护实验区",有联合国教科文组织"人类非遗代表作名录"项目3项,国家级非遗名录项目62项、省级453项、市级1127项、县级2292项,为保护好这些珍贵的非物质文化遗产,加强我省非遗保护、保存工作,制订出台《陕西省非物质文化遗产条例》非常必要. 相似文献
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针对新时代非物质文化遗产传播和保护面对的现实问题,对非物质文化遗产传承和保护的数字化路径进行深入分析,对岭南传统艺术影像档案库参与非物质文化遗产保护和传承的实践研究得出,新时代的非物质文化遗产传播与保护应当充分运用数字化技术,借助新媒体平台为非遗保护传承赋能。通过创建非物质文化遗产数字化档案库的建设等多种方式,让数字化技术应用到非物质文化遗产的传承和保护当中。 相似文献
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作为华夏文明发祥她之一的河南省,其非物质文化遗产具有数量大、种类多、内容丰富等特点.河南省非物质文化遗产的申请、保护与利用等工作取得了一定成就,但随着我国受到经济与文化全球化影响愈发明显,我国在非遗保护和利用方面受到的冲击亦愈发显著,原有的保护与利用方式已无法适应当前形势.本文以此为研究背景,对当前河南省非物质文化遗产保护与利用方面存在的问题与面临的困境进行分析,有针对性地提出增强河南省非遗保护与利用的对策,以期促进该省非物质文化遗产的传承与发展. 相似文献
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从非遗园西行5公里,便来到黄河的臂弯——槐荫区七里铺村。这里有一处农庄,成片的稻田环绕着几栋小屋,轻盈的木栈道由小屋伸展开去,尽头一处是荷塘,一处是原生态养水区。清风徐来,水波不兴,若是在天光云影的清爽日子里,静坐片刻,倒不失悠然情趣。"庄主"刘宪政每每接待访客都会在此神游一番,听鸟鸣、观池鱼,潇洒自在。 相似文献
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Monte Piliawsky 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,13(4):5-23
Conclusion Dutch Morial is deeply respected by the New Orleans black community. According to a poll conducted in April 1983 by Rose-Stekler
Associates, 80% of the black respondents gave Morial “excellent” or “good” job ratings, compared to only 11% who found him
doing a “fair” or “poor” job. Despite very limited resourses, the Morial mayoralty has facilitated the entrance of the black
middle class into the governmental process, providing access to city contracts and administrative positions. On the other
hand, the black underclass has received meager rewards in the form of employment or a reduction in police brutality. Hopefully,
economic development, in the long-run, will create jobs and provide additional city revenue to fund services for the poor.
But for now, the primary impact of a black mayor on the black community of New Orleans has been symbolic kinds of benefits.
Yet the potential positive benefits of a black mayor serving as a role model for black youth, as well as the value of civil
rights rhetoric in fostering hopefulness and a more self-reliant black community, should not be underestimated. The characterization
of the status of the civil rights movement in 1983 offered by C. T. Vivian, head of the Anti-Klan Network, well applies to
New Orleans black community today: “Everything has changed and nothing has changed. The statistics are still terrible. But
the atmosphere is totally different.”49 相似文献
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As municipal zoning is political in nature, the equality of zoning protection provided among black and white neighborhoods
should be expected to be sensitive to changes in relative political power over time. This article examines the rejection rates
for rezoning applications over time in predominantly white and predominantly black census tracts in Atlanta, Georgia. It identifies
inequality of treatment as between heavily white and heavily black tracts during a period of no black representation among
elected city officials and equality of treatment during a later period when blacks were substantially represented in government. 相似文献
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James Jennings 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1982,12(1):47-63
Conclusion We found that there are indeed some slight differences in the electoral behavior of black voters when we separate them into
high and low socio-economic areal categories based on the level of median income. These slight differences include turnout
rates for primary and general elections and voter registration rates. The higher the socioeconomic status of the black electorate
in Boston, the higher the turnout and registration rates for that area tended to be; however, this relationship was not found
to be consistent among all the areas selected for study. Despite these differences in electoral behavior or “practices,” our
areal model does not suggest any significant political schisms based on the sicioeconomic indicators used. Black voters tended
to vote the same way on a number of city and state ballot questions, support the same candidates at both the city and state
level, and vote the liberal preference on both issues and candidates regardless of socioeconomic background. In addition,
there is some evidence that the higher a black voter is on the socioeconomic scale, the greater his or her tendency will be
to vote the liberal position on various issues and candidates. Our model also suggests that black voters will tend to support
black candidates regardless of some socioeconomic factors. If this model can be used as an indication of class differences
in the black community, then our data show that socioeconomic criteria are not as salient as race in determining the political
behavior and preferences of black voters. 相似文献
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Robert D. Bullard 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1991,19(3-4):175-194
Houston was considered the premier Sunbelt city in the 1970s. Much of the growth during this boom period was fueled by the
oil industry. The city led the nation in new jobs created and housing starts. The economic growth, however, was not uniformly
distributed to all segments of the population-specifically, a large segment of the black community was passed over during
the city’s housing boom.
Many of the housing problems facing black Houstonians can be traced to the city’s anti-public housing sentiment, policies
that create and perpetuate racial segregation, and the dismantling of the fair housing enforcement mechanism. Housing discrimination,
residential segregation, and other institutional barriers all limit the mobility options for a sizable segment of the black
Houston community. 相似文献
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刘呐鸥——这位中国新感觉派的始祖,以超越时代的敏锐眼光,借鉴日欧等先锋派作家的手法,捕捉到上海国际大都市迷幻的时尚风情与都市小人物的时尚生活。他在小说中进行大胆而新颖尝试,广泛采用现代主义手法,注重个体经验的表达,以一个都市作家的身份,写出了都市的真谛和内涵。 相似文献
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这是中国新农村建设的一次有益探索,这是城市与乡村的一场真诚对话!
重庆渝北国家农业科技园区的存在,为企业提供平台和更大市场,同时为农户提供技术及就业机会实现双向连接,使产业链更趋高效和完整. 相似文献
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William E. Robertson 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1991,19(3-4):195-209
City planners, neighborhood groups and financial institutions, and other business partners need to develop a comprehensive
plan to increase affordable housing for minorities and to integrate neighborhoods. Kansas City, Missouri is a city with a
high potential for good housing for all of its citizens, but adequate housing continues to elude many of its black residents.
Compared to other U.S. cities of similar size, Kansas City has good housing stock, but a large number of black people are
suffering from a shortage of low rent housing. In addition, among Kansas Citians, blacks have the lowest quality housing stock.
Two reasons for the deficit in housing for black Americans in Kansas City are demolitions among the low-rent housing stock
and discrimination in housing rentals. 相似文献