多哈回合贸易便利化议题:回顾、成员立场分析与谈判前景

日内瓦小型部长级会议上,由于美国和印度在农产品特殊保障机制上的严重分歧,历时9天的谈判宣告破裂,也意味着多哈回合在2008年结束谈判的希望彻底落空。贸易便利化议题作为多哈回合的九大主要议题之一,虽然不是导致本回合搁浅的直接导火索,其在整个谈判中的分量也是值得掂量的。随着多哈回合的再次中止,贸易便利化议题的谈判成果也只能暂时被搁置在桌面上。一波三折的谈判过程,错综复杂的成员立场,希望渺茫似乎又触手可及的谈判前景的确是耐人寻味。     

WTO动态

美国农产品涨价有益多哈回合;巴西印度敦促发达国家削减农业补贴;欧盟对世贸组织新的“多哈回合谈判”草案存在异议;法国政府称20个欧盟国家反对WOT农产品贸易提议;印度看出WTO多哈协议的解决方案;美国贸易代表施瓦布：美国为多哈谈判突破做好准备。     

金融危机下多哈谈判前景、影响及中国之对策

多哈谈判八年来,由于各方在农业领域的特殊保障机制、棉花补贴以及非农领域的部门减让等问题上迟迟不能达成一致,导致多哈回合的谈判难以完成.金融危机下这一谈判前景如何?将对全球和中国经济产生哪些影响?中国政府如何应对?下文将试分析之.     

多哈回合农产品贸易谈判的困境分析

2001年11月在卡塔尔首都多哈发起的“多哈回合”谈判由于各成员在农业等问题的分歧严重,屡陷僵局,原因主要有:各成员利益不同,不仅发展中国家和发达国家之间有矛盾,发达国家之间也存在分歧;农产品的“非从价税”向“从价税”的转换问题也困扰着多哈回合农业谈判。多哈回合《香港宣言》给予发展中成员一定的灵活性,但对WTO贸易体制本身有可能造成负面影响。     

WTO新一轮谈判遭遇暂时挫折

2008年7月29日,在美国、欧盟、日本、澳大利亚、印度、巴西和中国等7个成员就发展中国家农产品特殊保障机制的谈判中,由于美国拒绝作出让步,谈判以失败而告终.这次谈判的失败,虽然只是多哈回合贸易谈判进程中的一个挫折,并不意味着该回合的失败.但是,这种失败却使得人们对于多边贸易体制的信心受到打击,至少将多哈回合结束的时间向后推迟了好几年.     

拉米:多哈回合谈判不该因保障措施搁浅

自2008年7月多哈小型部长级会议在经历了9天的紧张讨论后，最终因在农产品贸易特殊保障措施问题上争执不下而以失败告终。虽然拉米多次强调，多哈回合不应在特别保障措施问题上搁浅，但如何真正推进WT0153个成员“集体决策”——这仍是一大挑战。     

WTO多哈回合农业谈判中特殊产品选择问题研究

多哈论坛在推进农业贸易自由化的同时,也给发展中国家的农业生产带来挑战,为此推出"特殊产品"概念,维护广大发展中国家的农业发展安全。本文介绍特殊产品的提出及重要意义的基础上,结合我国农业特点等分析我国在多哈回合中特殊产品的选择问题。     

中方积极支持多哈回合谈判取得进展并发表四意见

<正>据中国商务部网站消息,9月5日,APEC部长级会议在悉尼召开,中国商务部长薄熙来在会上就各成员共同关心的多哈回合谈判发表了四点意见。一、中方支持以WTO农业和非农两主席所提案文为基础并展开磋商。二、如何打破谈判的僵局?应该如何入手?既然多哈回合是发展回合,谈判就应从发展中国家最关心的问题入手。既然各成员都支持公平贸易,就应从最扭曲贸易的方面实现突破。在农产品出口补贴问题已有解决方案之后,严重扭曲贸易的农业国内支持问题就凸显出来,成     

我国农产品市场准入的竞争效应分析

在经济全球化及贸易自由化进程中,农业一直是重要的敏感经济部门,对发展中国家而言尤为突出。本文选取多哈回合的农产品市场准入议题,建立了关税减让的局部均衡模型,运用回归分析软件,提出了农产品市场准入的竞争效应结论。     

日本农产品贸易保护政策的调整及影响和启示

多哈回合农业谈判以来,日本对其农产品贸易保护政策进行了调整,将其政策重点放在了高筑技术性贸易壁垒和强调农业多功能性方面.这导致我国对日农产品出口成本增加、数量减少、贸易摩擦增多,但同时也有利于我国提高对“绿色”农产品的重视度、促进我国农产品检测标准和手段进一步完善等.我们农产品贸易保护的具体对策：要根据国情充分利用WTO规则;注重提高农产品的品质;打造中国品牌;缩小城乡差距;加快农业设施建设等重要启示.     

WTO多哈回合:各方分歧、受阻原因及前景展望

多哈回合谈判是WTO成立后的第一轮多边贸易谈判。10年来虽取得过阶段性的成果,但因农业领域的矛盾仍未达成全面协议。本文在回顾多哈回合农业谈判历程及其成果的基础上,主要阐述了农业谈判方的主要观点和分歧所在,进而从直接原因、内在机制和外部环境3个方面详细分析了多哈回合谈判受阻的原因。最后从经济、政治和谈判意向3个方面分析了各主要谈判国的状况并对多哈回合的前景进行了展望。     

多哈回合G20成员的比较分析和集团行动启示

多哈回合中以G20为代表的发展中国家间更密切的协商沟通体系的建立,推动了多哈回合各项谈判议题的开展。本文就G20集团中各国农业发展相似度和产品贸易竞争力进行了比较,分析了成员方组成谈判集团参与农业相关问题谈判的动机,得出结论基于相近的农业产业发展层次,集团成员对扩大农产品贸易的相似诉求是集团组建的基础,同时分析了G20未来所面临的挑战,提出了应对问题的解决方案。     

How Effective are WTO Disciplines on Domestic Support and Market Access for Agriculture?

A new round of trade negotiations through the World Trade Organization (WTO) was launched in 2001. One of the major aims of the Doha Development Round is to reduce agricultural protection and impose greater discipline on domestic agricultural subsidies, particularly those that are the most trade distorting. In this article, we examine whether the proposed WTO modalities for agriculture will actually achieve this aim in Norway, which ranks among the top providers of government assistance for agriculture. Norway has a complex system of farm subsidies buttressed by substantial import protection. The extent to which its agricultural support policies will have to change in response to new WTO disciplines provides an important indication of how successful these are likely to be. We find that Norway will probably be able to sustain its current agricultural activity and production levels while staying within the new WTO rules. Following recent practice in some other WTO members, Norway will be able to reduce its notified support without making real changes in some of its programmes. However, there will have to be a shift from market price support, which is paid for by consumers through higher food prices, to budgetary support paid by taxpayers. This could generate increased domestic pressure for policy reform.     

Multilateral,Regional and Bilateral Trade‐Policy Options for the United States and Japan

We have used the Michigan Model of World Production and Trade to simulate the economic effects on the United States, Japan, and other major trading countries/regions of the Doha Round of WTO multilateral trade negotiations and a variety of regional/bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) involving the United States and Japan. We estimate that an assumed reduction of post‐Uruguay Round tariffs and other barriers on agricultural and industrial products and services by 33 per cent in the Doha Round would increase world welfare by $686.4 billion, with gains of $164.0 billion for the United States, $132.6 billion for Japan, and significant gains for all other industrialised and developing countries/regions. If there were global free trade with all post‐Uruguay Round trade barriers completely removed, world welfare would increase by $2.1 trillion, with gains of $497.0 billion (5.5 per cent of GNP) for the United States and $401.9 billion (6.2 per cent of GNP) for Japan. Regional agreements such as an APEC FTA, an ASEAN Plus 3 FTA, and a Western Hemisphere FTA would increase global and member country welfare but much less so than the Doha multilateral trade round would. Separate bilateral FTAs involving Japan with Singapore, Mexico, Chile and Korea, and the United States with Chile, Singapore and Korea would have positive, though generally small, welfare effects on the partner countries, but potentially disruptive sectoral employment shifts in some countries. There would be trade diversion and detrimental welfare effects on some non‐member countries for both the regional and bilateral FTAs analysed. The welfare gains from multilateral trade liberalisation are therefore considerably greater than the gains from preferential trading arrangements and more uniformly positive for all countries.     

What is at Stake in the Doha Round?

In this study the key elements of the WTO Doha Round are simulated and the main implications for international trade and national income are analysed. Based on negotiation information, three scenarios are designed. All scenarios encompass goods, services and agricultural liberalisation as well as trade facilitation. For goods liberalisation, a so‐called Swiss formula is used to cut bound tariff rates. Agricultural tariffs are cut according to a tiered linear formula. Attention has been given to the modelling of trade facilitation. Indirect as well as direct trade transaction costs are modelled. For simulation of the services liberalisation quantitative estimates of indirect trade barriers are used. The simulation results show that all regions in the aggregation gain in the simulated Doha scenarios, with a particularly strong result for developing countries. A conservative estimate is that global income increases with 0.2–0.7 per cent of initial GDP, depending on the level of liberalisation. Trade facilitation contributes the most to these results, with increased market access for non‐agricultural goods coming in second place. Overall, simulations indicate the importance of countries’ own liberalisation for their national income gains, and the importance of a broad‐based round.     

WTO新一轮农业谈判中的“新蓝箱”措施评析

新一轮农业谈判多哈回合谈判框架协议,对农业国内支持政策“蓝箱”措施进行重新定义。根据《农业协议》规定,发达国家需逐渐削减黄箱措施对农业的综合支持量,而“新蓝箱”措施的出台与WTO农业谈判追求贸易自由化的进程相悖。本文概括世界各国蓝箱措施的实施情况,分析“新蓝箱”措施出台的背景、原因,客观评价“新蓝箱”对国际农产品贸易格局的影响。     

多哈回合中的农业问题对中国的影响

多哈回合的谈判结果对于多边贸易体制的稳定、经济全球化的进程、贸易自由化给各成员国带来的福利增进而言,具有极其重要的意义。世贸组织承诺,多哈回合要给发展中国家带来真正的好处。作为世界上最大的发展中国家,中国所受到的影响更是引人注目。     

“蓝箱”政策改革对农业生产和贸易的影响

利用ATPSM模型研究得出:"蓝箱"政策改革和扭曲性支持的削减能够促进中国的农业生产,减少农产品进口,刺激农产品出口,对农业生产者具有较为明显的正效应.欧盟和美国等农业高补贴国家的农业生产将大幅减少,农产品进口增加,但出口下降仅有欧盟表现突出.     

世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判受挫原因及启示

文章指出,世界贸易组织最主要的职能是组织和推动多边贸易谈判,多哈回合是世界贸易组织成立以来的第一轮多边贸易谈判,自启动至今屡遭挫折,其主要原因是:区域经济一体化组织深入发展,世界经济力量对比发生了变化;谈判领域和内容越来越敏感,改革接近零和博弈;谈判中发展中成员联合程度提高,影响力扩大;世界贸易组织自身决策机制等存在缺陷。文章提出,为促进世界贸易自由化发展,世界贸易组织应加快改革进程,慎重增加谈判议题,扩大管辖范围;切实做好现有规则和协议的执行与落实;改革决策机制,提高解决现实问题的效率;平衡各方利益,进一步增强世界贸易组织的民主性和公平性,以继续发挥自由贸易主导者和推动者的作用。