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Protectionism under Trump: The China Shock,Deplorables, and the First White President 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Marcus Noland 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2020,15(1):31-50
This paper uses USA county‐level electoral data to examine the 2016 turn to protectionism. The hypothesis that support for protectionism was purely a response to globalization is rejected. Exposure to trade competition encouraged a shift to the Republican candidate, but this effect is mediated by race, diversity, education, and age. If the turn toward protectionism is due to economic dislocation, then public policy interventions could mitigate the impact and support the re‐establishment of a political consensus for open trade. If, however, the drivers are identity or cultural values, then the scope for constructive policy intervention is unclear. 相似文献
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Shujiro Urata 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2020,15(1):141-159
The United States and Japan have been involved in trade frictions over a number of products including textiles, steel, automobiles, semi‐conductors, and agricultural products over the last 50 years. US–Japan trade frictions have taken basically two forms: (i) the United States attempting to restrict Japan's exports to the United States; and (ii) the United States attempting to increase its exports to Japan by “opening” the Japanese market. By putting pressure on Japan to adopt necessary measures, the United States sought to achieve two main objectives: (i) to reduce its trade deficit vis‐à‐vis Japan; and (ii) to protect and/or promote US industries. The United States failed to achieve the first objective, while some success was achieved for the second objective. The United States triggered a trade war against China with the objectives of: (i) reducing the bilateral trade deficit; and (ii) stopping unfair trade practices by Chinese firms such as violations of intellectual property rights and forced technology transfer. Based on the experiences from the US–Japan trade frictions, the United States may achieve some success for the second objective, but not for the first. The chances of achieving the second objective would increase if the United States cooperates with countries such as Japan and the European Union, which are faced with similar problems. 相似文献
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Trade policy, in particular, the Trans‐Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP), has been a centerpiece of the Abe administration's economic strategy. The TPP's contributions to Japan's growth strategy include: (i) creating trade and investment opportunities abroad for Japanese companies through ambitious liberalization targets; (ii) advancing domestic reforms – with the largest service and agricultural liberalization commitments to date; and (iii) increasing bargaining leverage in other trade negotiations. But the domestic reform goals of Abenomics in agriculture have come up short due to opposition from domestic lobbies. American trade politics – which culminated in the US withdrawal from the TPP – have upended the goals of trade policy under Abenomics. Japan's best option in this new environment is to deliver on high quality, multi‐party trade agreements: concluding negotiations with Europe; scaling up the ambition of Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership; and salvaging a TPP 11. The merits of a bilateral free trade agreement with the USA will depend on how the Trump administration operationalizes its America First policy. 相似文献
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Bernard Hoekman 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2020,15(1):98-114
The rise in trade tensions and launch of a trade war by the USA is in part a result of World Trade Organization (WTO) working practices that have impeded the ability to use the organization to address the underlying sources of conflict through dialogue, analysis, and rule‐making. Open plurilateral agreements between the major protagonists offer an avenue for revitalizing the ability of the WTO to resolve trade conflicts. More generally, reform of WTO working practices is needed for the organization to be more effective in providing a platform for members to cooperate on trade policy matters. 相似文献
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J. Peter Neary 《Environmental and Resource Economics》2006,33(1):95-118
I review and extend three approaches to trade and environmental policies: competitive general equilibrium, oligopoly and monopolistic
competition. The first two have surprisingly similar implications: deviations from first-best rules are justified only by
constraints on policy choice (which motivates what I call a “single dividend” approach to environmental policy), and taxes
and emissions standards differ in ways which reflect the Le Chatelier principle. I also show how environmental taxes may lead
to a catastrophic relocation of industry in the presence of agglomeration effects, although not necessarily if there is a
continuum of industries which differ in pollution intensity.
*An earlier version was presented as an invited plenary lecture to the European Association for Environmental and Resource
Economics Conference, Oslo, 1999. 相似文献
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Claude BARFIELD 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2009,4(2):227-243
Over the next four years, the Obama administration will face a series of strategic choices in forging policies to respond to a growing momentum for advances in Asian regional structures. Though faced with domestic political challenges; not least from within his own Democratic party – President Obama and his advisers will need to set a course for the reassertion of US leadership in constructing a trans-Pacific vision, through new US-based free trade agreements, signing on to existing agreements such as the P-4 (Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, the Philippines), or consolidating existing free trade agreements among Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) nations. In pursuing this vision, the US should take advantage of the fact that the next three APEC leaders meetings are in Singapore (2009), Japan (2010), and the USA (2011); a sequence ripe for synergistic teamwork. 相似文献
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Ken Itakura 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2020,15(1):77-93
We evaluate the impact of the US–China trade war using a dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model of global trade. We conduct ex ante simulation analysis exploring three scenarios to understand how the trade war affects import tariffs, investment, and productivity. The escalation of the trade war reduces gross domestic product (GDP) in China and the USA by ?1.41% and ?1.35%, respectively. The trade war reduces nearly all sectoral imports and outputs in both countries. To reflect the important role of global value chains (GVCs), we modify the dynamic CGE model with agent‐specific import demands, and we explore the difference between the results for the two models relating to the trade war impacts on GDP and bilateral trade. When GVCs are accounted for, the negative impacts on bilateral trade are more widespread across countries, and world GDP in the modified model is reduced by ?$US450 billion. These results suggest that the GVCs play substantial role in determining trade responses at the disaggregated level. 相似文献
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East Asian trade and investment policies have attracted US investment into the region, but these policies should be fine-tuned for the region to compete effectively for US investment inflow and increase their global share of US foreign direct investment. The changes should consider the needs of the US investors and East Asia's own economic development. Bilateral free trade agreements with the US are the likely channel for these changes, but the question is whether East Asia is ready for a comprehensive and deep liberalization. East Asia should work toward a regional investment policy framework to facilitate and expand the regional production network developed by the US foreign direct investment. 相似文献
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美国贸易壁垒浅析 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
美波 《国际技术经济研究》2002,5(2):35-41
作为世界经济与贸易大国,美国在倡导贸易投资自由化、相对开放本国市场的同时,实施一整套严格的旨在保护本国企业利益的进口管理体制和相关贸易投资措施,涉及关税、非关税措施、技术性贸易壁垒、服务贸易、知识产权等诸多领域。对美国贸易壁垒的研究有助于我辩证地把握全球化趋势,应对加入世界贸易组织的挑战,扩大机遇。 相似文献
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通过对战略贸易政策在贸易的政治经济学、不确定性、不完全承诺和不完全信息等四个方面的新进展进行讨论,得出结论:新贸易理论的新进展使得脱胎于发达国家的战略贸易政策更加接近发展中国家市场经常失灵的现实,从而对发展中国家的贸易政策有重要的指导意义。 相似文献
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Anne O. KRUEGER 《Asian Economic Policy Review》2008,3(2):266-285
India's economic policies have undergone major reforms since the early 1990s. Before that, government regulation and control of economic activity was pervasive, and the trade sector did very poorly. One consequence was that imports were highly restricted and their scarcity was itself a major constraint on growth. After the crisis of the early1990s, trade policy was substantially liberalized. In this paper, the pre‐1990s regime is first briefly described. Thereafter, the economic policy reforms that impinged most directly on the trade sector are set forth, and the response of exports and imports to those changes is outlined. Exports have grown rapidly, from about 5% of the gross domestic product to around 15%, and they continue to grow at an average annual rate of 20%. Improved performance of the trade sector has been a major contributing factor to India's dramatically accelerated growth performance. A final section of this paper assesses the current situation, and sets forth the major policy challenges that will need to be met if that performance is to be sustained, if not improved upon. 相似文献
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中美农业贸易的互补性研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
采用贸易结合度指数(TCD)、出口相似度指数(SI)和贸易互补性指数(TCI)等模型,根据联合国粮农组织(FAO)、美国FAS-Online和中国海关数据库的数据,对中美两国16种主要出口农产品的互补性进行了定量分析。结果显示:(1)中美两国农业贸易依存度逐步提高,美国对中国的依赖程度高于中国对美国的依赖程度。(2)中美两国农业贸易具有良好的互补性,中国入世后两国农业贸易互补性增强。基于上述研究结论,提出了互利双赢的政策建议。 相似文献
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经济全球化下的农产品对外贸易政策及其调整 总被引:14,自引:0,他引:14
经济全球化形成当今世界经济发展的主流,中国加入WTO,必将加快其融入经济全球化的步伐,因而农产品对外贸易政策体系的建立及其调整是21世纪我国农业经济和贸易经济发展的战略选择。 相似文献
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On the Efficiency of Green Trade Policy 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Ottar MÆstad 《Environmental and Resource Economics》1998,11(1):1-18
The paper derives conditions for second best environmental policy when there are foreign countries which fail to implement appropriate environmental regulations. It is shown that in such cases, efficiency in the global economy will not be achieved unless domestic environmental regulations are supplemented by trade provisions. The result is independent of whether environmental problems are local or international. Furthermore, when trade provisions are implemented, efficiency requires that domestic environmental taxes are fixed at the Pigouvian tax rate. The results imply that there is an economic rationale for regulating the trade between signatories and non-signatories of international environmental agreements. Efficient trade regulations will either take the form of trade restrictions or trade promotions, depending on whether the environmental problem is created by production or consumption activities, and whether the net import of the relevant commodity is positive or negative. It is argued that an efficient climate agreement, signed by a group of fuel-importing countries (e.g., the OECD countries), should include a subsidy on the import of fossil fuels. 相似文献
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随着计算机科学与技术的迅速发展,电子商务应运而生,越来越多的国家把电子商务作为国际贸易领域的新手段不断扩大其应用范围,本文介绍了电子商务的概念及其应用现状,进一步描述了其存在的问题,并由此引出我国政府在电子商务时代下政府的宏观经济政策. 相似文献
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Joseph E. Stiglitz 《Frontiers of Economics in China》2018,13(2):133
The global economic and political order that was created in the aftermath of World War II is under attack by President Donald Trump. In this article, Nobel Prize Laureate Joseph Stiglitz discusses the scope for protectionist actions by President Trump and suggests how countries such as China could and should respond. In particular, he proposes a set of ten principles that should guide China’s response, principles designed to enhance a more stable and efficient multi-polar system of global governance that can contribute to a stronger global economy. 相似文献
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Ferdinand Ahiakpor William Brafu-Insaidoo Eric Bondzie 《International economic journal》2019,33(2):332-349
The study employed a Structural VAR model, using monthly time series data from 2002 to 2017 to assess the relationship between trade openness and effectiveness of monetary policy in Ghana. The empirical results revealed that as the degree of trade openness increases, monetary policy becomes more effective in reducing the rate of inflation. However, monetary policy is less effective to reduce the output gap. Therefore, the results suggest that monetary policy authorities must take into account the level of trade openness whenever they are formulating monetary policy. 相似文献
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本文首先对战略性贸易政策作了简单介绍,接着重点论述了新加坡经济发展过程中对战略性贸易政策的成功运用,介绍了这一政策运用的主要内容及其特点,文章最后就我国如何借鉴新加坡的经验提出政策建议。 相似文献