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1.
First Japan and more recently China have pursued export-oriented growth strategies. While other Asian countries have done likewise, Japan and China are of particular interest because their economies are so large and the size of the associated bilateral trade imbalances with the United States so conspicuous. In this paper we focus on U.S. efforts to restore the reciprocal GATT/WTO market-access bargain in the face of such large imbalances and the significant spillovers to the international trading system. The paper highlights similarities and differences in the two cases. We describe U.S. attempts to reduce the bilateral imbalances through targeted trade policies intended to slow growth of U.S. imports from these countries or increase growth of U.S. exports to them. We then examine how these trade policy responses, as well as U.S. efforts to address what were perceived as underlying causes of the imbalances, influenced the evolution of the international trading system. Finally, we compare the macroeconomic conditions associated with the bilateral trade imbalances and their implications for the conclusions of the two episodes.  相似文献   

2.
This paper uses a multi-country input-output model to simulate the impacts of the recent China-U.S. trade war. We first examine in detail the list of products subject to additional tariffs, and then use the model to estimate the economic impacts of the trade conflict. Based on the direct and indirect impacts on the energy sector of each country, we then extend the analysis to the issue of global energy demand. Our empirical results indicate that both China and the U.S. suffer from the conflict, although the impacts on China are greater Both countries experience a reduction in energy demand and a general economic slowdown. Although certain countries may benefit from the China-U.S. trade conflict in short-run, a general negative impact on the global economic prospects can affect all. Moreover, a short-term marginal impact on the global energy market is found, but as the consequence of long-term uncertainties and indirect economic impacts, further reductions of global energy demand are expected.  相似文献   

3.
近年来,美中贸易逆差额不断攀升导致双边贸易争端此起彼伏,严重影响了两国正常的经贸关系和政治互信。美方将贸易失衡归咎为人民币汇率,而中方则指出两国贸易失衡的症结并非人民币汇率,压迫人民币升值的做法并不能从根本上解决问题,双方冲突和利益博弈行为日趋严重。在此背景下,作者以1990-2011年的美中贸易、汇率等相关数据为研究对象,从经济和政治因素出发,将人民币汇率、国际投资、全球分工、统计误差和消费储蓄等因素纳入分析,从多维视角对美中贸易逆差成因进行了定量实证分析。研究发现,美中贸易逆差的成因缘自美国、东盟对中国直接投资以及中国香港、台湾和澳门地区对中国内地的直接投资、双方的统计误差以及人民币汇率三组因素,人民币汇率并非美中贸易逆差的主要因素。在基于资产所有权的贸易净额统计方法下,作者对美中贸易的历年贸易净额进行了重新估算。美方数据结果显示,在美国报道的对中国的贸易逆差中,其数据统计被夸大;而中方数据结果显示,中国直到2006年才从对美贸易逆差转为顺差。作者认为,人民币汇率并非美中贸易失衡的主要因素,该问题之所以争论不断,主要是源于美方经济问题政治化的诉求。  相似文献   

4.
李巍  赵莉 《世界经济与政治》2020,(2):87-122,159
2018年开始,美国对华发起规模空前的贸易战,具体内容主要包括“关税战”和“技术战”两个方面。贸易战在美国国内引发了明显的利益分化,利益受损方及其在政治体系中的代表力量成为特朗普政府与中国达成贸易协议以在某种程度上减弱贸易战烈度甚至结束贸易战的主要动力。由于美国的产业呈现高度的地理集聚特征,在中美贸易战中利益受到损失的产业最终会通过它们所在选区的政治代言人来表达自身的利益诉求,因此,理解美国产业地理政治的基本特征是理解中美贸易战进程中两国变换采取攻守策略的逻辑基础。作者认为,以产业集中分布为特征的产业地理和以选区为中心的政治地理是理解美国社会利益和政策偏好向联邦政府传导的两把“钥匙”,它们共同构成了塑造联邦政府对华贸易政策的微观利益基础和核心动力机制。由于受损者比获益者更有动力站出来表达利益诉求以影响政府决策,作者在实证部分集中关注美国对华货物出口行业的产业地理政治,分析中美贸易战中美国国内潜在的反对力量,进而为有针对性地制定对美反制措施提出政策建议。  相似文献   

5.
The United States and China have vastly different official estimates of the bilateral trade imbalance. The U.S. figures show that the United States had a merchandise trade deficit of US$68.7 billion vis-à-vis China in 1999 whereas the Chinese figures show that China had a merchandise trade surplus of only US$22.4 billion vis-à-vis the United States. There is a difference of US$46.3 billion. Which set of figures is right? It turns out that neither side is completely right. Various factors, such as f.o.b.–c.i.f. adjustments and treatments of re-exports and re-export markups, complicate the measurement of the bilateral trade balance between the United States and China. One important conclusion that emerges is that while U.S. trade statistics may be more reliable than Chinese trade statistics, even they are not completely accurate. By explicitly taking into account the aforementioned factors, the discrepancy between the adjusted U.S. and Chinese data on the bilateral trade balance in 1999 is narrowed from US$46.3 billion to US$4.8 billion, or approximately 10% of the initial figure. Our best estimate for the true U.S.–China bilateral merchandise trade balance for 1999 is US$47.8 billion, in China's favor. If we take into account the trade in services, in which the United States has traditionally enjoyed a surplus, the U.S.–China bilateral trade balance may be estimated at approximately US$45 billion in 1999. Compared with the U.S. trade deficit with Japan (over US$70 billion in 1999), the U.S.–China trade deficit, appropriately adjusted, is still significantly smaller. J. Japan. Int. Econ., March 2001, 15(1), pp. 102–130. Department of Economics, University of California, Santa Cruz, California 95064; and Department of Economics, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-6072. Copyright 2001 Academic Press.Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: F10, F13.  相似文献   

6.
Abstract

This paper assesses how the competition between China and the EU in export markets has affected the trade performance of European countries. It first draws on a comparison between Germany and France before turning to discuss the economic and social impact of China's internationalization on Europe's economies. The results suggest that even in the recent years when China has gained prominence, it should not be blamed for more than half of the measured effects for emerging countries.  相似文献   

7.
熊珍琴 《改革与战略》2011,27(4):176-178
文章认为,中美贸易逆差近年来大幅增长,在很大程度上是由于发达国家国内产业结构调整,将大量劳动密集型产业和资本技术密集型产业中的劳密型环节转移到中国,实际上等于是把东亚周边国家和地区以前对美、欧的顺差转变成中国对美、欧的顺差,将它们过去与美国的贸易摩擦转换成为中美贸易摩擦。为理顺中美经贸关系,应加快外贸发展方式的转变,坚持合作共赢的原则,大力推进走出去的战略和实施出口多元化战略。  相似文献   

8.
中国与乌兹别克斯坦贸易及投资中的汇率风险研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
中国和乌兹别克斯坦建交20周年以来,两国的经贸往来与务实合作呈现出勃勃生机,双边贸易实现跨越式增长,项目投资实现飞跃式发展。但随着中乌经济的广泛开展,在积极开发双边贸易及投资潜力的同时,中乌双方又面临着美元汇率的风险。因此,本文在阐述了中乌双边贸易与投资发展现状及发展前景的基础上,分析了中国与乌兹别克斯坦贸易及投资中的汇率风险;最后提出了解决中乌双边贸易汇率风险的对策建议,认为积极应对美元汇率风险是推动中乌双边贸易及投资的一个重要条件。  相似文献   

9.
Abstract

This study seeks to explain the variation in U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI) in Latin America and Asia. The analysis focuses on 19 Latin American and Asian countries for the period of 1979–1999. The results show that the variation in the U.S. FDI can largely be attributed to the differences in fundamental economic and social factors such as market size, gross domestic product (GDP) growth, macro-economic stability, the degree of trade openness, and both school enrollment and infrastructure availability. Separating the data into two time periods reveals interesting results about the location decisions for U.S. investors. In addition, the results from the comparison between the two regions show that Latin American countries clearly attract U.S. FDI for different reasons than Asian countries.  相似文献   

10.
This paper analyzes the economic integration of the East and South Asian economies in the global economy. East Asian economies are shown to be achieving much more of their potential trade than South Asian economies, both in terms of intra‐regional trade and in trade with the rest of the world. Examination of the China–Japan, India–Pakistan and Taiwan–mainland China bilateral relationships shows that integration of these economies into the global economy has allowed economic relations to dominate and constrain difficult bilateral political relations in East Asia while in South Asia adverse political relations have hampered development of bilateral economic relationships.  相似文献   

11.
Using a detailed calibrated general equilibrium model, we evaluate the effects of greater cooperation or confrontation in bilateral trade relations between the U.S. and Japan. Our numerical results indicate that, if a trade war between the two were precipitated, the U.S. would eventually benefit from the mutual imposition of reciprocally optimal tariffs. While this result appears negative for those who advocate free trade, it provides the key to overcoming an important incentive problem of liberalization. Specifically, we find that Japan gains more from U.S. unilateral liberalization than from bilateral liberalization and thus has an incentive to limit its commitment to removing trade barriers. Since the U.S. has a credible threat of retaliation, however, it can bargain with Japan to implement bilateral cooperation. In other words, the strategic environment is neither completely harmonious nor discordant. A credible threat of confrontation can secure the basis of cooperation. J. Japan. Int. Econ. June 1999, 13(2), pp. 119–139. Research Institute for Economics and Business Administration, Kobe University, Kobe 657-8501, Japan; and Department of Economics, Mills College, Oakland, California 94613, and Centre for Economic Policy Research, London, United Kingdom. Copyright 1999 Academic Press.Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: F13, F14.  相似文献   

12.
周忠菲 《亚太经济》2007,25(2):12-16
本文考查了美国贸易政策的变迁和中国对美贸易顺差的根源,指出在美国继续把反倾销税和非贸易壁垒作为限制某些商品进口的重要手段的情况下,包括中国在内的东亚各国出口前景,普遍存在不确定感。未来中国和东亚各国(地区)采取集体行动方式应对美国的贸易保护主义和贸易霸权,是一种具有可行性的选择。  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

In this Introduction to our Special Issue, we provide detailed and critical comments and summaries of the excellent papers. The papers are important contributions to the China-U.S. and China-Europe economic and trade issues in the context of the global trading environment, as shaped by the current unorthodox policies of the Trump Administration. The wonderful papers dealt with relevant issues related to international trade, investment, national security, trade laws, intellectual property rights laws, political science, business, etc. They constitute a must-read for academics, policy and business researchers, think tank fellows, experts in international organizations, as well as government-related researchers in various national capitals. The three Co-editors are all experienced and accomplished academics with vast experiences in public policies. As academics, they may hold different views but their unique and diverse perspectives provide an important background to the Special Issue. They jointly contributed major efforts to this timely and important Special Issue.  相似文献   

14.
美国对华贸易政策的政治经济分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
李荣林  马海 《亚太经济》2006,27(5):59-63
本文以国际贸易政策的政治经济分析为基础考察美国对华贸易政策的形成机制,分析美国对华贸易政策制订中各利益集团的影响。认为:出于政治经济两方面的考虑,美国对华贸易政策将以保持稳定的经贸关系为基础,但迫于国内的集团利益和政治需要,还存在一定的不确定性。因此,中国应当从总体战略和集团战略两个层面采取相应的对策。  相似文献   

15.
反倾销与美中双边产业内贸易:经验分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文针对反倾销与美中双边产业内贸易关系问题,运用GL指数和二元Logit模型研究发现,1995~2006年美国对华反倾销摩擦张力较大的20类涉案产品,其产业内贸易指数都比较小,且美方处于较大的贸易逆差失衡压力,这些成为引发美国对华不断发起反倾销贸易摩擦的实质原因。并且,从经验上否定了反倾销密集程度与美中双边产业内贸易程度的正相关关系。结论是,美中双边产品产业内贸易程度较低,且美国处于贸易逆差失衡的产品最容易招致美国对华反倾销行为。  相似文献   

16.
经济全球化使世界经济紧密联系在一起,各国经济也更易受到外部经济冲击的影响。本文考察了美国经济波动对东亚8个开放经济体的影响,结果显示,东亚经济大约有18%的波动来源于美国经济的冲击,这主要是因为美国和东亚保持着紧密的贸易和金融联系。由于各经济体在经济总量、汇率制度安排等方面的差异,造成受美国经济波动的影响也不相同。总体看,这些冲击持续的时间大约在15个季度。  相似文献   

17.
王爽  张丽莉 《特区经济》2011,(12):110-112
中国和巴西作为两大新兴市场经济体和金砖国家合作机制的成员国,其经济崛起日益受到世界的关注。本文从两国外贸发展的视角入手,对中巴外贸发展的现状和外贸发展历程进行比较,进而发现中巴经贸关系发展中存在的问题,最后展望前景。  相似文献   

18.
Abstract

This paper investigates the sources of economic fluctuations in the four Asian newly industrialized economies (NIEs), namely Hong Kong, Republic of Korea, Singapore and Taiwan. As small open economies, their macro-economic development is highly dependent on technology as well as markets of large countries. Using the common trends model, we examine the impacts of external supply shock, internal supply shock and trade shock on the key national macro-economic variables of these four economies, i.e. output, consumption, investment, export and import. Our empirical evidence suggests that supply-side disturbances, both the country-specific supply shocks and international supply shocks explain the bulk of fluctuations in output.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Services trade is an important source of growth in Malaysia and Singapore. Both economies are export-oriented and actively court foreign direct investment (FDI) to advance their economic objectives of industrialization and economic development. This paper examines the causal linkages between inward FDI and the country's engagement in services trade in bi-variate and tri-variate VAR frameworks. The empirical findings for Singapore show evidence of bi-directional causality between inward FDI and the total trade volume in services (i.e. the absolute sum of payments and receipts) as well as between FDI and services imports (in the tri-variate specification). This may reflect her relative open foreign investment policy and free trade regime in services. For Malaysia, the evidence of causality is weaker and uni-directional, from inward FDI to services imports. These findings are consistent with the different stages of economic development and openness attained by the two sample countries, and they provide useful background for trade and foreign investment policies and development strategies.  相似文献   

20.
We apply a modified "gravity model" incorporating measures of factor endowments to analyze Japanese and U.S. bilateral trade flows and direct foreign investment positions with a sample of around 100 countries for the period 1985–1990. Country features that our analysis takes into account are population, income, the land–labor ratio, the average level of education, and region. We find that features of a country associated with more trade with either Japan or the United States also tend to be associated with more direct foreign investment (DFI) from Japan or the United States. U.S. economic relations with Japan and Western Europe provide an important exception. Despite U.S. concern about its trade deficit with Japan, we find Japan to be much more open to the United States, not only as a source of imports, but also as a destination for U.S. exports than most countries in Western Europe. Taking other factors into account, however, Western Europe is more open to U.S. direct foreign investment. We also find that a country′s level of education tends to increase significantly U.S. interaction of all types with that country, even after correcting for per capita income. Education does not play a significant role in Japanese trade patterns. As factor endowment theory would predict, the United States tends to trade more with densely populated countries, while Japan tends to import more from sparsely populated countries. Even after taking into account population, income, factor endowments, and region, there is a substantial degree of "bilateralism" in Japanese and U.S. economic relationships in that the residual correlation among exports, imports, and outward direct foreign investment is much larger than would be the case if these magnitudes were independent across countries. J. Japan. Int. Econ. December 1994, 8(4), pp. 478–510. Boston University, Boston, Massachusetts 02215; and National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138.  相似文献   

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