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1.
Since the beginning of market reforms in 1989, countries of the South-Eastern Europe (SEE) and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) trade significantly less with the world economy than those Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries which later joined the EU. To explain why this is the case, a number of hypotheses have been proposed in the literature. The key novelty of our study consists in a simultaneous assessment of the contribution to trade from geographical, policy and institutional factors, during the EU pre-accession period (1997–2004). An augmented gravity model is proposed and estimated for a reference group of 82 countries employing the Poisson and Tobit estimation techniques. We find that the low quality of economic institutions in the SEE and CIS countries contributed to a considerable proportion of their below potential international trade. We perform policy simulations using institutional data up to 2008 to identify channels for increasing international trade of the SEE and CIS.  相似文献   

2.
Five central European candidate member countries for EU accession (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia = CE-5) entered into the transition period with undervalued exchange rates to stimulate exports and protect domestic industries. However, this policy was not maintained. During 1993–1995, real currency appreciation increased competitive pressure by foreign firms. To protect domestic firms, governments applied high third-country tariffs, temporary import taxes, and numerous administrative barriers to trade. As countervailing pressure by the EU and the U.S. increased and current account deficits soared in 1996 and 1997, the five countries more and more brought exchange rate policies in line with the changes in purchasing power parity.There seems to be a positive correlation between large current account deficits and the more intense use of nontariff protectionist measures. Using exchange rate measures, Slovenia keeps the current account rather balanced. It employs many less nontariff protectionist measures than the other four countries, which show strong tendencies towards real exchange rate appreciation.  相似文献   

3.
The European Union has reached a deeper level of market integration than any other region. In many ways its success parallels the integration of national-level markets, particularly in the broadly similar continental project of the United States. This paper asks whether the EU and US cases hold any lessons for the pursuit of market integration in East Asia, and reaches two positive conclusions. First, the two Atlantic continental markets display a common content of institutions and policies that helped generate broad legitimacy for market integration. Secondly, while there is wide debate over the historical mechanisms that produced successful “embedded” market integration in the EU and the US, several of these mechanisms may be reproducible in East Asia.  相似文献   

4.
Energy efficiency and environment protection are the international concern. European Union, under its energy and climate policy, adopted goals of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 20%, and increasing the proportion of European energy which comes from renewable sources up to 20% by 2020. Until 2007, the development of these technologies in the European Union (EU) was undertaken in a dispersed, fragmented, sometimes even competing way. The Strategic Energy Technology Plan (SET-Plan) is the pillar of the EU's energy and climate policy aiming at development of affordable, clean, efficient, and low emission energy technologies through coordinated research. Croatian accession to the EU required meeting the main challenges as the other member states, involving increase in energy efficiency and renewable energy used as some of the basic components of sustainable development. Funding projects in the area of ecology and energy preservation, odds and prospects for public bodies and Environmental Protection and Energy Efficiency Fund (FZOEU) involvement in financial support of the projects, additional sources of funding etc., are some of the numerous questions this paper is aiming to address in order to assess the Croatian absorption capacities for the SET-Plan as one of the most important EU strategies.  相似文献   

5.
Ten countries—most completing their transition from socialist-based economies to market economies—are slated to join the European Union (EU) in 2004 and four additional countries are expected to become members at some future dates. Despite the relatively small economic size of the accession countries, this type of deep integration can have non-negligible effects on countries outside of the preferential zone as the reduction in barriers across partners leads to a re-orientation of trade. In this paper, we evaluate the extent of trade adjustments and the economic impacts it will have on the East Asian economies using a dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model. The overall macroeconomic effects on East Asia are small. There is some trade diversion, but there may be an opportunity to increase market penetration in some sectors of the expanding EU for which East Asia has a marked comparative advantage. The paper also assesses the relative importance of linking trade openness to productivity and lowering trade costs between the accession countries and the EU-15.  相似文献   

6.
This paper analyses the evolution of fiscal policy in central and eastern European countries during the EU accession process, testing for country and time specific effects. This is done by constructing Taylor-type policy rules and by calculating three measures of fiscal stance. A key finding is that the differences across countries are more significant than those across time. Baltic countries tended to have had tighter fiscal policy which responded to the output gap, larger central European countries had more lax (and increasingly lax) fiscal policies which were unresponsive to the output gap. These differences correlate closely with cross-country differences in exchange rate regimes and no link is found to either spending composition or political variables. Taken together the results suggest that the exchange rate regime is by far the most significant determinant of fiscal performance. These results suggest that the “soft power” of the prospect of EU entry did not act as a spur to greater fiscal discipline and that higher budget deficits in recent years cannot be blamed on costs of accession.
John LewisEmail:
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7.
paper identifies the product groups of the ASEAN exports to Europe that will experience trade diversion effects from the enlargement of the EU (EU 12) with Austria, Finland and Sweden (EFTA 3) and the European association agreements with the Eastern European countries (EACs) using the methodology of Kreinin and Plummer. This methodology establishes for each sufficiently important ASEAN export product group to the EU 12, the EFTA 3 or the EACs whether or not competition is felt from one of the three groups of European countries, after which the tariff and non-tariff preferences towards European products and against the ASEAN exports are analysed.
The share of the exports in ASEAN's external trade with the EU 12, the EFTA 3 and the EACs that is affected by the trade diversion of these recent European integration initiatives, is calculated. It appears that the ASEAN exports to the EU 12 are affected by the accession of the EFTA3 only to a limited extent, but that the trade diversion effect on the EU 12 and the EFTA 3 markets to be expepected from the European association agreements with the EACs is considerable.  相似文献   

8.
Capital Mobility and EU Enlargement. — The membership of the Eastern European transition economies in the EU would require inter alia the full liberalization of their capital flows. Using the correlation between domestic saving and investment, this paper provides empirical evidence of the openness with respect to foreign capital that the accession states have attained so far. A comparison with the southern members of the EU shows that the countries under review have reached a similar degree of integration in quantitative terms. Yet, further adjustment in qualitative terms, i.e., in the structure of capital flows, can be expected as the process of accession proceeds.  相似文献   

9.
Since the Asian financial crises, economists are more circumspect in their advocacy of ‘financial globalization’. A new consensus emerged which contends that increased financial liberalization and capital account openness may only produce economic benefits when countries are open to trade and have good institutions and policies in place. This paper critically reviews this consensus, which we term the ‘thresholds paradigm’, through a survey of the available literature and a comparative case study of two African countries that have undertaken financial and capital account liberalization: Nigeria and Botswana. The paper argues that the thresholds paradigm leaves important theoretical and policy-related questions unresolved, in particular, the origins of good institutions and policies. Further, while at first glance the paradigm appears to capture the divergent outcomes of financial globalization policies in Nigeria and Botswana, a deeper investigation reveals important factors that are neglected and occluded. The paper concludes that economists need to be more methodologically ambidextrous and must integrate institutional factors in their theoretical frameworks in order to better understand the outcomes of ‘financial globalization’ and to provide useful policy advice to developing countries contemplating financial reforms in the future.  相似文献   

10.
The issues of enlargement, the Lisbon Agenda, and economic development are important not only to new European Union (EU) member states but impact all 25 countries. EU membership may help the new members to foster long-term economic growth through increased credibility, effective use of structural funds, a better framework for economic growth, and entry into the European Monetary Union (EMU). The economic growth of all member states can be strengthened if the reforms related to the main goals of the Lisbon Agenda are completed. Action must be taken both at the member-state level and at the Community level. At the member-state level it is necessary to assure fiscal consolidation and deregulation. At the Community level the preservation of the Stability and Growth Pact, completion of the single market, especially in the service sector, and enforcement of limits on public aid are of the greatest importance.The 2006 Robert A. Mundell Distinguished Address presented at the Sixty-First International Atlantic Economic Conference. Berlin, Germany, 15–19 March 2006. In preparing this paper, I was assisted by Pawel Opala and Andrzej Rzońca. The usual caveats apply.  相似文献   

11.
Countries in southern Africa have engaged in a variety of tradeliberalisation initiatives such as the European Union (EU)–SouthAfrica Free Trade Agreement (FTA), the EU's ‘Everythingbut Arms’ (EBA) initiative to eliminate trade barriersagainst imports from the least developed countries and a potentialFTA among Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries.In this paper we use a multi-country computable general equilibrium(CGE) model to analyse the impact of trade liberalisation inthe region. First, we analyse the FTA between South Africa andthe EU. Then, we consider how the rest of southern Africa mightrespond: (i) by enforcing an SADC FTA; (ii) by exploiting theadvantages of unilateral access to the EU in addition to anSADC FTA; and (iii) by entering an FTA with the EU and otherSADC countries. The scenarios are ordered such that the SADCcountries pursue increased trade liberalisation. We find thatunder all FTA arrangements the increased total imports fromFTA partners exceeds the reduction in imports from non-FTA partners— the FTAs examined are all net trade creating. Some SADCeconomies are slightly hurt by the FTA between the EU and SouthAfrica, while others gain slightly. Overall, the agreement isnot a beggar-thy-neighbour policy. We also find that unilateralaccess to the EU is more beneficial for SADC countries thanan SADC FTA because the SADC countries trade more with the EUthan with each other. However, reciprocal reforms under an EU–SADCFTA dominate unilateral access to the EU because they requiremore structural adjustment in the SADC countries. Finally, wefind that South Africa is not large enough to serve as a growthpole for the region. Access to EU markets provides substantiallybigger gains for the other SADC countries than access to SouthAfrica.  相似文献   

12.
This paper investigate the relationship linking investment (capital stock) and structural policies. Using a panel of 32 OECD countries from 1985 to 2013, we show that more stringent product and labour market regulations are associated with less investment (lower capital stock). The paper also sheds light on the existence of non-linear effects of employment protection legislation (EPL) on the capital stock. Several alternative testing methods show that the negative influence of EPL is considerably stronger at higher levels. Finally, and importantly, the paper uncovers important policy interactions between product and labour market policies. Higher levels of product market regulations (covering state control, barriers to entrepreneurship and barriers to trade and investment) tend to amplify the negative relationships between EPL and the capital stock and ETCR and the capital stock. Equally important is the finding that the rule of law and the quality of (legal) institutions alters the overall impact of regulations on capital deepening: better institutions reduce the negative effect of more stringent product and labour market regulations on the capital stock, possibly through the reduction of uncertainty as regards the protection of property rights. This result also implies that the benefit from product and labour market reforms may be smaller in countries with weaker institutions.  相似文献   

13.

What are the economic effects of the Ukraine war for Ukraine, Russia, and the rest of Europe? In this study, the Vienna Institute for International Economic Studies (wiiw) sheds light on the immediate consequences on the one hand, but also on the medium-term structural changes caused by the largest armed conflict in Europe since the Second World War. The Russian invasion of Ukraine has triggered a humanitarian crisis. Pre-war, almost 19 m people lived in those regions that are currently directly affected. Refugee inflows to the rest of Europe are likely to be at least three times greater than in 2015/2016. As Black Sea ports come under Russian assault, Ukraine has lost its ability to sell more than half of its exports, primarily agricultural commodities and metals. Western financial support will become ever more important as the war continues. Turning to Russia, sanctions will have a very serious impact on that country’s economy and financial sector. Despite being partly hamstrung by the fact that a large proportion of Russian reserve assets are frozen in the EU and G7, the central bank managed to stabilise financial markets by a combination of confidence-building and hard-steering measures: capital controls, FX controls, regulatory easing for financial institutions, and a doubling of the key policy rate. The medium-term and long-term outlook is negative. As a result of the war and the sanctions, the rest of Europe faces a surge in already high inflation; this will weigh on real incomes and will depress economic growth. Many European countries rely heavily on Russia for oil and gas imports: import shares are over 75% in Czechia, Latvia, Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria with respect to natural gas; Slovakia, Lithuania, Poland, and Finland with respect to oil and petroleum; and Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Denmark, Lithuania, Greece, and Bulgaria with respect to solid fuels. Aside from energy, the fallout via trade for the rest of Europe is likely to be small. Non-energy trade and investment links between Russia and many European countries have declined in importance since 2013. There are four main areas of structural change and lasting impact for the EU (and Europe more broadly) as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. First, the EU will get more serious about defence. Second, the green transition will gather pace. Third, broader Eurasian economic integration will be unwound. And fourth, the EU accession prospects for countries in Southeast Europe could (and should) improve.

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14.
This paper develops a small macro-economic model of the CEECs to analyze various aspects of integration with the current EU and the role of monetary and exchange rate strategies during the (pre-) accession phase. The model gives insight into both the adjustment of the internal balance (as for output and employment) and the external balance (as for exports and competitiveness) in the accession countries. The model provides more insight into the basic macroeconomic relationships governing macroeconomic adjustment in the accession countries and also the role of the integration with the EU in that adjustment. We perform empirical simulations of different scenarios and analyze the resulting macroeconomic adjustment. In particular, we compare how a macroeconomic shock in the current EU is transmitted to the accession countries under flexible and fixed euro exchange rates, respectively.  相似文献   

15.
The EU enlargements of 2004 led to a redirection of Structural and Cohesion Funds expenditures from EU-15 to new EU members as did those of 2007. This redistribution of funds makes the accession countries even more attractive as a location of FDI. Using a logistic regressions approach, this paper shows that a reallocation of structural funds as outlined in Agenda (For a stronger and wider union, COM(97) 2000 final, 2000) and successive revisions of the financial perspectives for an enlarged union leads to a redistribution of FDI by approximately 4−8 percentage points from the current EU members to the accession countries (2004 scenario) and 7−10 percentage points (2007 scenario), respectively.  相似文献   

16.
《World development》2004,32(6):1059-1070
The critique of conditionality has led to the recent emphasis on “ownership” by the recipient government. To promote ownership it has been suggested that traditional ex ante conditionality based on (promises) of policy changes be replaced by ex post conditionality in which aid is based on performance in terms of ultimate objectives. In this spirit, the European Commission has reformed its adjustment aid. This article reviews early experience with the EU initiative in four countries: Benin, Burkina Faso, Madagascar and Uganda. We find a shift toward intermediate indicators, which are too distant from the final impact of the policies.  相似文献   

17.
Current account balances and structural adjustment in the euro area   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
In the past decade, a set of euro area countries has accumulated large current account deficits. After a brief relaxation of the euro area internal imbalances in the wake of the financial crisis, it appears as if this pattern arises anew when times normalize again and Germany still sticks to export-led growth. This issue has been labelled one of the most challenging economic policy issues for Europe inter alia by the European Commission and some other players on the EU level. In this paper, we analyse the role of private restructuring and structural reforms for the urgently needed sustainable readjustment of intra-euro area current account balances. A panel regression reveals a significant impact of structural reforms on intra-euro area current account balances. This implies that in particular structural reforms and wage restraint in notorious current account and budget deficit countries such as Greece are highly suitable to support long-term economic stability in Europe.  相似文献   

18.
Central and eastern European countries (CEECs) participate in the European economy with trade shares of the European Union (EU) and levels of intraindustry trade comparable to peripheral EU countries. However, the opening of CEECs has induced increased specialization in EU countries, which contrasts with the development in previous decades. This partially explains the cautious approach to the eastward enlargement in the EU. Furthermore, CEECs are more similar to each other than to EU countries. The pattern of the CEECs' trade with the EU resembles that of Turkey. Trade diversion is likely to present a significant burden for countries omitted from the first wave of the enlargement.  相似文献   

19.
牟岚 《特区经济》2014,(1):84-86
欧债危机发生以来,欧盟经济饱受债务危机之害,经济严重下滑,失业率节节攀升。为了刺激经济发展,欧盟对其贸易政策做了一系列调整,影响了中欧经贸关系的发展。本文总结了欧债危机发生后欧盟贸易政策的发展趋势,分析了其贸易政策变化对中欧经贸关系的影响,进而提出加强与欧盟沟通、积极进行自贸区谈判等对策,以促进中欧经贸关系的发展。  相似文献   

20.
After the EU enlargement in 2004, there is a clear commitment of the EU and the new member states to aim at an enlargement of the euro zone within the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) as well. This might have significant effects on the old EMU, the new members, and even on the global economy. The present paper analyzes some macroeconomic effects and particularly the impact on the effects of stabilization policies when switching to an enlarged euro zone under different assumptions about fiscal and monetary policy regimes in Europe and under alternative types of economic shocks. Also, the implications for the US of different European monetary regimes are evaluated. The results suggest that economic benefits for all countries are rather small. For the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs), even disadvantages may dominate.  相似文献   

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