实现党的领导、人民当家作主与依法治国有机统一

党的十六大报告明确提出,发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。发展社会主义民主政治,最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来。在党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的相互关系中,人民当家作主居于核心地位,是社会主义民主政治的本质要求。党的领导是人民当家作     

社会主义民主政治的优势

江泽民同志在“5&;#183;31”重要讲话中谈到发展社会主义民主政治时指出：党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的统一性，是社会主义民主政治的重要优势。江泽民同志的这一论述，深刻地揭示了中国社会主义民主政治发展的主要特点和客观规律。也就是说，在社会主义民主政治中，党的领导是保证，人民当家作主是本质，依法治国是途径。三者的统一，构成了社会主义民主政治的优势。     

试析新中国民主政治建设的成就与历史经验

改革开放以来，我国在发展民主政治、基层民主建设和社会主义法制建设等方面取得了较大成就。发展社会主义民主政治，必须坚持四项基本原则，把握民主政治的发展方向；推进市场化改革，夯实民主建设的基础；发展民主与健全法制紧密结合；在党的领导下，有步骤、有秩序地推进民主政治建设；处理好政治体制改革与经济发展、社会稳定的关系；发展党内民主，推进民主政治建设。     

农村社会主义政治文明建设的实践与探索

农村社会主义政治文明建设 ,难点在农民 ,基础在村级 ,基点在自治。要实现这一重要目标 ,关键就是要从村级入手 ,把握“三个坚持” ,加快“三个转变”。一、坚持用人民当家作主的本质要求衡量农村社会主义政治文明建设 ,加快实现由“为民作主”向“由民作主”的转变 ,首先解决好“有人管事”的问题人民当家作主是发展社会主义民主政治、建设社会主义政治文明的本质要求 ,也是我们党的领导和执政的实质。然而 ,在当前村级民主政治建设上还有明显的差距与不足 ,其表现是 :一方面 ,一些村干部民主意识不强 ,法制观念淡薄 ,在领导方式和领导方法…     

发展党内民主 推动人民民主

泽民同志在“5&;#183;31”重要讲话中指出：“发展社会主义民主政治，建设社会主义政治文明，是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标。”没有民主就没有社会主义，就没有社会主义现代化。发展有中国特色的社会主义民主政治，最根本的是要坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的有机结合与辩证统一。党的第三代中央领导集体从我国国情出发，     

依法治国是社会主义政治文明建设之根本

建设社会主义政治文明 ,发展社会主义民主政治 ,最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机地统一起来 ,而三者的有机统一就是体现为要维护宪法的绝对权威、真正践实宪法的理念和精神 ,严格依法治国。     

政治建设与诚信建设

十六大报告提出,发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。建设社会主义政治文明,推进政治体制改革,可以有力地推动诚信建设。 一、坚持和完善社会主义民主制度,最广泛地获得人民群众的信任和支持。人民当家作主是社会主义民主政治的本质要求。发展社会主义民主政治,就是要健全民主制度,丰富民主形式,扩大公民有序     

构建社会主义和谐社会关键原因之深度解析

只有对社会主义和谐社会的基本构成要素进行逐一解析和论证,才能充分地说明构建社会主义和谐社会关键在党的原因,由于中国共产党的地位和作用,使得社会主义和谐社会每个构成要素的实现都离不开党的领导和执政,党的领导和执政是社会主义和谐社会每个构成要素实现的根本政治保证、必要前提和必备条件。     

公民意识教育与民主政治建设

马克思和恩格斯认为，在所有国家，政府不过是人民教养程度的另外一种表现而已。这揭示了公民意识教育和公民素质与政治建设的关系。党的十七大报告指出：“加强公民意识教育，树立社会主义民主法治、自由平等、公平正义的理念”。这表明在中国政治思想发展史上，中国共产党第一次提出把加强公民意识教育、深化民主政治理念作为执政党的重要任务，这是党对民主政治建设理论的重大贡献，在中国民主政治发展史上具有里程碑的意义。增强全社会每一个人的公民意识，当前已经成为进一步扩大人民民主、发展社会主义民主政治的重要基础。     

中国民主政治建设伟大实践的成功经验

列宁说:“没有民主,就不可能有社会主义.“邓小平同志也指出:“没有民主就没有社会主义,就没有社会主义的现代化.“在中国共产党第17次全国代表大会上,胡锦涛同志再一次强调了发展中国特色社会主义民主政治的重大意义,指出:“人民民主是社会主义的生命.发展社会主义民主政治是我们党始终不渝的奋斗目标.“改革开放以来,与中国特色社会主义经济取得的巨大成功相比,总有人对我们的社会主义民主政治建设颇多微词,似乎政治体制改革过缓,没有跟上经济社会发展的步伐,甚至影响了社会和谐.其实,中国经济的成就与政治的发展和保证是绝然不可分的.中国经济的大发展和经济体制改革的巨大成功本身已预示着中国特色社会主义民主政治也取得了成功并将取得新的成就.中国民主政治建设伟大实践中有许多成功经验值得总结.……     

法治的内涵延伸与推进司法改革——对十八大报告中“法治精神”的品读

党的十八大报告中除了直接论及“法治”的段落外,法治精神贯穿全篇。法治既是一种宏观治国方略,又是微观治国理政的具体制度要求,所以执政党对“社会主义法治”内涵的理解和建设也历经了从“宏观方略的确立”到“具体制度的展开”的过程。司法制度改革是法治进程中的必然要求。依照“法治”和科学发展观的精神,当前我国司法制度改革的目的应是建构满足人民需求的司法制度。     

Government Spending and Taxation in Democracies and Autocracies

The paper develops a theoretical rationale for a non-linear relationship between the level of democracy and government spending. A model is presented showing why and how political participation influences the spending behavior of opportunistic governments that can choose an optimal combination of rents and public goods to attract political support. If the level of democracy remains low, governments rationally prefer rents as an instrument to assure political support. With increasing democratic participation, however, rents become an increasingly expensive (per unit of political support) instrument while the provision of public goods becomes more and more efficient in ensuring the incumbent government's survival in power. As a consequence, an increase in democracy, which drives a country from a pure autocracy to a semi-participatory system, tends to reduce government spending, while an increase in political participation from a semi-participatory country to a full democracy tends to raise the size of the public sector.     

The Voice of the People

Bruce Ackerman offers a view of American constitutional politics that stresses the fundamentally democratic nature of all American politics, and the increasingly national character of the American demos. The strength of the voice of the people, rather than constitutional due process, are the hallmark of episodes of constitutional reform. At the same time, Ackerman suggests that the American people need to reclaim their Constitution, and proposes that the voice of the people should be heard in a particular way—one involving clear elements of direct democracy. This essay seeks to interrogate the idea of the voice of the people—and the idea of direct democracy—as an appropriate basis for constitutional politics from a perspective that allows of expressive as well as instrumental political behaviour.     

经济分权、人口迁徙与大国发展之路——基于人均产出增长地区差异的实证分析

文章从分权式改革的视角分析了中国改革开放30年来的经济发展道路,总结了中国经济高速增长的主要成功经验在于政治集权下的经济分权。但是经济分权并不能有效缩小城乡、地区与贫富差距,其原因在于中国人口不能自由迁徙,对落后地区的地方政府不能实现"用脚投票"效应,从而影响了对地方政府的监督与激励作用。文章指出只有在人口自由迁徙的条件下,政治集权下的经济分权才能有效激励地方政府,特别是落后地区地方政府发展地方经济的积极性。在认清分权式改革与人口迁徙关系的基础上,正确设计下一步的改革方略,有利于中国真正走出一条大国发展之路。     

DEMOCRACY AND ECONOMIC REFORM: THEORY AND SOME EVIDENCE FROM THE RUSSIAN CASE

The paper examines theoretical issues concerning the relationship between political democracy and economic reform and builds on the empirical material from the recent experience of Russia. The process of transition to democracy is shown to have started spontaneously due to the situation of power stalemate among pressure groups that came to control the communist system in the years preceding its ultimate collapse. The unrestrained control by those groups is shown to be the reason behind the continued economic collapse, while gradual build-up of the democratic system can in the long run act in the direction of improving the chances for a successful economic reform.     

On the optimal social contract: Agency costs of self-government

In a typical study of political economy, citizens are regarded as the principals, and government as the agent. In contrast, classical theorists of democracy such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau and James Madison were deeply interested in the dual nature of people; they are the principals (citizens sharing the sovereign power) and, at the same time, the agents (subjects under the laws). Government, in their framework, is an intermediate body which helps people solve their self-control problem. Equipped with tools of modern economics, this paper explores the classical problem to see how economic development and political institutionalization relate to the structure of government and the quality of public sector. In particular, I consider repeated games with a large population and incomplete information, in which players decide whether to sacrifice private consumption to provide public goods. Because both people and the executive of the public projects are subject to moral hazard, the people spend resources to monitor the executive and the people themselves. The optimal self-enforcing contract, which can be interpreted as an efficiency upper bound of political systems, is characterized. An analysis of the contract shows that as a country gets more economically developed and politically institutionalized, the agency problem on the people’s side becomes negligible and that poor economic performance of a country might prevent the citizens from establishing a more efficient public sector.     

习近平加强党对经济工作集中统一领导思想研究

加强党对经济工作集中统一领导是习近平经济思想的重要组成部分,政治与经济辩证统一理论是思想基础,以人民为中心是根本立场,党的领导是社会主义市场经济的本质特征,国家经济治理体系是重要抓手,马克思主义政治经济学是坚持和发展马克思主义的必修课,加强党的政治、制度、作风和能力建设是政治保证.该思想为加强党对经济工作集中统一领导、...     

Fiscal decentralization and government size: The role of democracy

This paper examines how the level of democracy in a country affects the relationship between fiscal decentralization and government size. We argue that political regimes, proxied by their democracy levels, are important for different decentralization theories to predict the impact of fiscal decentralization on government size. We test this argument using panel data from 76 developed and developing countries during 1972–2013. We find strong and robust evidence that fiscal decentralization is negatively associated with government size and that a higher level of democracy tends to mitigate the negative impact of fiscal decentralization. Therefore, our study contributes to the literature by offering a novel insight on mixed results regarding the relationship between fiscal decentralization and government size in the literature.     

Democracy and prosperity in two decades of transition1

This article revisits the relationship between democracy, liberalization and prosperity in transition countries, using a panel of 25 countries over 20 years. Earlier investigations found political and economic liberalization to be positively correlated although the relationship between political liberalization and prosperity remained unclear. In this article, the results are ambiguous regarding the relationship between democracy indicators by Freedom House and the Polity Project on one hand and growth on the other. This contribution therefore investigates the component variables of these indicators to determine their degree of influence. The findings suggest that basic constitutional rights and constraints on the government rather than political competition as such may be conducive to both economic liberalization and prosperity in the transition countries.     

Rule of law, democracy, openness, and income

We estimate the interrelationships among economic institutions, political institutions, openness, and income levels, using identification through heteroskedasticity (IH). We split our cross‐national dataset into two sub‐samples: (i) colonies versus non‐colonies; and (ii) continents aligned on an East–West versus those aligned on a North–South axis. We exploit the difference in the structural variances in these two sub‐samples to gain identification. We find that democracy and the rule of law are both good for economic performance, but the latter has a much stronger impact on incomes. Openness (trade/GDP) has a negative impact on income levels and democracy, but a positive effect on rule of law. Higher income produces greater openness and better institutions, but these effects are not very strong. Rule of law and democracy tend to be mutually reinforcing.