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1.
CHRIS RIDDELL 《劳资关系》2010,49(3):371-386
The role of election delay in union organizing campaigns has become a key policy issue in several countries. Previous studies have documented a negative correlation between delay and union success. However, elections are generally not randomly delayed; in particular, election delay is correlated with various “hard‐to‐observe” union and employer strategies. This article exploits several exogenous sources of variation in election delay to estimate a causal model. The results indicate that two‐stage least squares estimates of the causal effect of election delay on union success are twice the magnitude of standard OLS estimates.  相似文献   

2.
A survey of union organizers (N = 97) was conducted to determine the extent to which new organizing issues and tactics are being used to help offset declining union membership. Results indicate that grievance procedures, job security, improved benefits, and higher pay are the most commonly stressed issues in organizing campaigns. The two tactics used most often are small groups and literature distribution. Organizers working in industries with a larger percentage of female workers differ significantly from other organizers in the use of certain tactics and issues. Overall, however, there does not seem to be much change in either organizing tactics or issues.  相似文献   

3.
This study examines the effect of several corporate characteristics on union organizing success, using NLRB representation election data matched to the Industrial Comp stat. The results show that, within a corporation's primary (two-digit) industry, union success is influenced positively by firm size, capital intensity, the ratio of labor costs to total cost, and by either very low or very high profits. Outside a corporation's primary industry, unions are most successful organizing large, unprofitable firms.  相似文献   

4.
This paper examines the effects of information technology (IT) on organizing and union effectiveness in US national unions. Original survey data and data from government and independent sources are combined to model outcomes including membership growth, success in representation elections, and union leaders' assessments of effectiveness as a product of environmental and organizational characteristics. The results suggest that the practical impact of IT use on organizing outcomes can be quite important. Evidence regarding the impact of IT on overall effectiveness (i.e. organizational or union effectiveness) is more mixed.  相似文献   

5.
Correlates of Union Support in NLRB Elections   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Bargaining unit, union, industry, and geographic correlates of union support in NLRB certification and decertification elections for the period 1977 to 1979 are analyzed using similar regression specifications. Several relationships are found to be significant; however, an examination of the magnitude of the estimated coefficients suggests only unit size and union organizing effort affect outcomes in more than a small percentage of all certification elections.  相似文献   

6.
A rapidly growing number of international unions are signing international framework agreements with multinational enterprises (MNEs), securing their commitment to respect fundamental workers' rights. This article explores the agreement between the global banana giant Chiquita and the Latin-American Coordination of Banana Workers Unions (COLSIBA) signed in 2001. The study shows how the banana unions employed innovative tactics of regional coordination and of alliances with nongovernmental organizations in the major consumer markets. Fieldwork on the implementation of the agreement further reveals an overall poor use of the agreement potential but also how the agreement was used as leverage for local organizing activities. This article argues that such international agreements show a promising way to defend and advance workers rights within MNEs, creating space for union organizing, collective bargaining, and social dialogue.  相似文献   

7.
Using newly available data from the Conference Board on employer human resource policies, certification election outcomes, and union organization of new company facilities, we find that the logic of "union substitution" efforts by employers is supported: Companies having or encouraging employee communication and participation programs, including nonunion grievance procedures, are more successful in maintaining nonunion status than are companies without such programs. However, certain human resource policies, such as work sharing (as an alternative to layoffs), may actually enhance chances of union success.  相似文献   

8.
Union representation elections are associated with significant declines in firm profitability. In addition to the significant mean effect of union elections on the equity value of firms, there exists substantial variation in the magnitude of equity losses across individual election events. Cross-sectional variation in shareholder equity losses can be explained by the labor intensity of the firm, the size of the union wage premium and fraction of workers organized in "the firm's industry,." the presence or absencse of right-to-work lows in the state where the election is held, the member of workers covered in the representaion election, and the number of previous union representation election in the firm. The empirical results indiacte the equity losses are the greatest in industries where union wage gain are the highest and unionization rates are the largest, and in the most labor-intensive firms, independent of the size of the bargaining unit involved in the election. The latter result indicates the presence of union spillover effects.  相似文献   

9.
New union members in the United States are typically gained through workplace elections. We find that the annual number of union elections fell by 50 per cent in the early 1980s. A formal model indicates that declining union election activity may be due to an unfavourable political climate which raises the costs of unionization, even though the union win–rate remains unaffected. We relate the timing of declining election activity to the air–traffic controllers' strike of 1981, and the appointment of the Reagan Labor Board in 1983. Empirical analysis shows that the fall in election activity preceded these developments.  相似文献   

10.
This paper presents a framework for evaluating and accounting for the outcomes of ‘greenfield’ union organizing campaigns. It argues that previous studies have tended to focus too much on the establishment of collective bargaining and negotiation of first contract as a campaign outcome. Instead, the effectiveness and representativeness of new union structures are emphasized, and the sustainability of those structures is emphasized as the most important outcome. A key finding from the empirical data is that campaigns that build both workplace activism and are co‐ordinated by officers create more sustainable outcomes than campaigns that focus on one or the other. The evidence shows how and why these outcomes emerge, and the paper concludes with a consideration of the theoretical and practical implications.  相似文献   

11.
New Measures of Union Organizing Effectiveness   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This study compares union organizing activity and success in the United States and Canada. Based largely on certification data for the period 1976–1985, he results indicate there was a substantial decline in union organizing effectiveness in the United States and the Canadian unions were more active and successful in recruiting new members than their American counterparts. The evidence suggests that labor policy in Canada is more supportive of union organizing and the achievement of first collective agreements.  相似文献   

12.
JOHN GODARD 《劳资关系》2011,50(3):472-496
This paper argues that a barrier to union organizing is the identification of workplaces in which the union voting propensities of workers are sufficient to justify an organizing drive. It also argues that prior research into these propensities has been of limited value in this respect. It then draws on a unique telephone survey of Canadian workers to explore the implications of a variety of individual‐, work‐, and employment‐related variables for the propensity of non‐union workers to vote in favor of union representation. In so doing, it proceeds from a “union organizing” perspective, seeking not just to establish whether these variables appear to “cause” voting propensity, but also whether they are correlated with it, and hence serve as markers for union organizing, and if so, how and why they do. It also seeks to demonstrate the possible value of survey research and hence encourage a more scientific approach to union organizing choices. A wide array of variables is found to have potential implications for these choices.  相似文献   

13.
This study considers how union performance in terms of organizing, bargaining, and political activity are related to severely declining union density (the percentage of the workforce in unions) in the United States and the higher and stable union density in Canada. Canadian unions have remained active in recruiting new members and assign a high priority to organizing, while American unions have shown diminished organizing effort and ability. Canadian unions have demonstrated superior performance in collective bargaining as measured by resistance to concession bargaining and negotiated wage gains, among other factors. Finally, although Canadian unions experienced some political setbacks, they wielded more political influence than their American counterparts in promoting union-specific as well as broad social legislation. Density is examined as both a consequence and determinant of the divergence in union performance.  相似文献   

14.
The precipitous decline in union density and influence around the world has spawned a growing body of scholarship on union renewal. While this literature evidences lively debates regarding the efficacy of different renewal strategies, many argue that the path to renewal is paved through increased member activism. In this article, we question that premise. We examine the importance of rank-and-file union member activism in 44 cases of organizing campaigns in the United States and in the UK. Our review of these cases reveals little support for the notion that member activism is indispensable to union renewal in general, and successful organizing campaigns in particular. Our findings provide additional insight into the debate over top-down and bottom-up strategies for renewal, and raise several questions for future research regarding when, under what conditions, and under what rules worker activism matters for labour union renewal.  相似文献   

15.
This article explores cross‐constituency organizing inside three Canadian unions that involves dual, parallel and integrated structures. It assesses these approaches with reference to the conceptual frame of intersectional political practice. In particular, this study highlights the institutionalization of intersectionality through constitutional, organizational and representational intersectionality. The paradigm of autonomy and integration is used to identify effective mechanisms for cross‐constituency vehicles. Cross‐constituency organizing is a form of coalition‐building inside unions It is a vehicle for building solidarities across identities and advancing equity organizing in Canadian unions that supports, at one and the same time, union revitalization and the union equity project.  相似文献   

16.
Do British trade unions vary in their effectiveness in maintaining organization and membership in workplaces where they have an established bargaining presence? Do highly developed national union recruitment strategies and innovation in recruitment strategy boost consolidatory organizing and recruitment effectiveness (CORE)? Results suggest that (1) there is some variation in internal organising effectiveness between unions, and (2) national union innovation in recruitment policy is positively associated with internal organizing effectiveness where unions organize blue‐collar workers, but negatively associated with internal organizing effectiveness where unions organize white‐collar workers.  相似文献   

17.
Many Western scholars have regarded union democracy and elections as affairs that are internal to trade unions and unconnected with outside forces. Going beyond the mainstream union‐centred approach, this study critically assesses one significant type of union election that has been emerging in China since 2010 and that has been driven by different forces from previous elections. Previous workplace union elections had been ‘top‐down’ — initiated by the party‐state or its apparatuses, or else transnational corporation‐induced — but this newer type of election has been driven by workers' strikes. This study illustrates how the dynamics among the quadripartite actors — party‐state, higher‐level trade unions, capital and labour — have shaped these strike‐driven elections. Contrary to the claim that these elections have been ‘direct’ and ‘democratic’, our case studies show that they have been indirect and quasi‐democratic in nature.  相似文献   

18.
DAVID NEUMARK 《劳资关系》1993,32(2):204-222
This paper explores the hypothesis that the declining strength of labor unions underlies the moderation of labor cost inflation in the 1980s, which is not explained by standard Phillips curve equations. Data on union density, union certification and decertification election results, and work stoppages are used as proxies for union strength. No support is found for the declining union strength hypothesis at either the aggregate level (using economywide or union-sector labor cost series) or the industry level.  相似文献   

19.
Based on extensive field research in China during 2005–2010, this article aims to explore the determinants of unionization in the Chinese context. We find that managerial strategies toward union organizing and functioning have been critical in determining unionization outcomes in Chinese enterprises. While various environment pressures may impose critical constraints on these strategies, managerial industrial relations ideologies are central in shaping these strategies when environment pressures barely exist or are bearable by management. Our study makes the first effort in exploring industrial relations ideologies in China and contributes to better understanding of unionization in the Chinese workplace.  相似文献   

20.
Despite decades of decline in strike rates, recent scholarship has examined how unions and labour organizations are retooling the strike to confront increasing employer power. This study focuses on a militant labour union and the emergence of an understudied type of strike – the fixed-duration strike – as a source of labour revitalization. Drawing from qualitative data gathered on fixed-duration strikes organized by a union of registered nurses in the United States, I investigate the strategic adaptation of labour militancy and how these strikes overcome the limitations of traditional, indefinite work stoppages. I find that fixed-duration strikes protect the economic interests of nurses and advance their role as patient care advocates, while still imposing financial and reputational costs on employers. These findings suggest that the strategic adaptation of militant tactics, such as the strike, help labour organizations achieve revitalization outcomes like contract victories and enhanced membership activism.  相似文献   

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