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The relatively high marital fertility of the Irish in the United States in the 19th century has long been interpreted as evidence for the persistence of a distinctive Irish culture in the United States. This claim echoes a similar view of Irish-American marriage patterns. Recent work has shown that the marriage patterns of the Irish in the United States were similar to native-born whites with similar occupational and other characteristics. This paper studies the reasons for the high fertility of Irish-Americans in 1910. Irish-born women in that year had much larger families than the typical native-born woman, and little of the difference can be attributed to other characteristics. Second-generation Irishwomen were less distinctive in this regard, although even they differed from the natives primarily because of a different proclivity to have a large family. Our results signal the complexity of immigrant adjustment to a new environment; the Irish largely abandoned one aspect of Irish demographic behavior while clinging to another. 相似文献
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Simon Szreter's book Fertility, class and gender in Britain, 1860–1940 argues that social and economic class fails to explain the cross‐sectional differences in marital fertility as reported in the 1911 census of England and Wales. Szreter's conclusion made the book immediately influential, and it remains so. This finding matters a great deal for debates about the causes of the European fertility decline of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For decades scholars have argued whether the main forces at work were ideational or social and economic. This note reports a simple graphical and statistical re‐analysis of Szreter's own data. We show that social class does explain cross‐sectional differences in English marital fertility in 1911. 相似文献
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Debate about the adequacy of public action during the Great Irish Famine is hampered by a lack of detailed information on its impact at local level. This study addresses the question of local agency with a case study of the North Dublin Union, which was responsible for administering the Irish poor law in the northern half of Dublin city. We use workhouse records to study the Union's functioning during the famine. High mortality of workhouse inmates mainly reflected the crisis outside its walls: the guardians and the managers did reasonably well in preserving human life in difficult circumstances. 相似文献
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Guinnane Timothy; Harris Ron; Lamoreaux Naomi R.; Rosenthal Jean-Laurent 《Enterprise & society》2007,8(3):687-729
This article challenges the idea that the corporation is a globallysuperior form of business organization and that the Anglo-Americancommon-law is more conducive to economic development than thecode-based legal systems characteristic of continental Europe.Although the corporation had important advantages over the mainalternative form of organization (partnerships), it also haddisadvantages that limited its appeal to small- and medium-sizedenterprises (SMEs). As a result, when businesses were providedwith an intermediate choice, the private limited liability company(PLLC) that combined the advantages of legal personhood andjoint stock with a flexible internal organizational structure,most chose not to organize as corporations. This article tracksthe changes that occurred in the menu of business organizationalforms in two common-law countries (the United Kingdom and theUnited States) and two countries governed by legal codes (Franceand Germany) and presents data showing the rapidity with whichfirms in each country responded to enabling legislation forPLLCs. We show that the PLLC was introduced first and most easilyin a code country (Germany) and last and with the most difficultyin a common-law country (the United States). Late introductionwas associated with prolonged use of the partnership form, suggestingthat the disadvantages of corporations did indeed weigh heavilyon SMEs. 相似文献
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Infant mortality decline in rural and urban Bavaria: fertility,economic transformation,infant care,and inequality in Bavaria and Munich, 1825–1910†
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During most of the nineteenth century, Bavaria was notorious for infant mortality rates that were among the highest in Europe. After 1870, infant mortality in Bavaria began a sustained decline. This decline, which was impressive in urban areas, was even more dramatic in Bavaria's capital, Munich. From a peak of 40 deaths per 100 births in the 1860s, infant mortality had fallen two‐thirds by 1914. This article examines the causes of infant mortality in rural and urban districts of Bavaria from 1880 to 1910 and in Munich from 1825 up to shortly before the First World War. In rural Bavaria, structural change in agriculture lowered infant mortality, even as stark differences in infant survival driven by income gaps and deficient infant care remained. In urban areas, high fertility was strongly associated with high infant mortality. Individual‐level data from Munich reveal that infant care, fertility, and incomes mattered. Even prior to industrialization, occupational status influenced infant survival. Munich's growth into a leading industrial centre after 1875 apparently widened the gap between rich and poor. Families at the top of the occupational distribution and couples able to acquire real property saw the steepest declines in infant mortality. The poorest one‐third without property saw little improvement. 相似文献
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Simon Szreter's recent article replies to an earlier article we published in this journal, showing that central statistical results in his book Fertility, class and gender are seriously flawed. Szreter's reply asserts that a revised classification scheme and the use of weights provide results that support his original arguments. In this rejoinder we demonstrate that the revised scheme makes little difference. Our article did in fact use weights, and the use of weights with the revised scheme makes little difference. We argue that the weights used by Szreter are inappropriate in any case. 相似文献
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