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61.
We model an accession country facing a Maastricht‐type inflation criterion that specifies an inflation ceiling. In addition to deciding whether or not to satisfy this criterion, the country must decide how much costly economic reform to undertake. If the country puts enough weight on the future that it can credibly meet the inflation criterion no matter what the ceiling is, then the inflation criterion benefits the country but lowers reform. If the country puts less weight on the future, then a criterion with a properly chosen inflation ceiling can increase reform. We derive the inflation ceilings that maximize the country's welfare and its reform. 相似文献
62.
Empirical studies provide compelling evidence that economic agents do not adopt the complete range of energy-efficient technologies that are cost-effective under prevailing prices and market conditions. Analysts commonly attribute this anomaly to the use of high discount rates in energy-related decisions-an interpretation that is difficult to reconcile with standard models of rational choice. This paper recasts the controversy from the perspective of economic theory and finds that market failures related to asymmetric information, bounded rationality, and transaction costs are major contributors to the so-called "efficiency gap." 相似文献
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Regulatory regimes often attempt to introduce quasi-competitive pressures by undertaking comparative efficiency assessments
between the regulated companies and setting company-specific cost reduction targets based on those comparisons. The UK water
industry is one example of such a regime—indeed, it has emphasized the importance of maintaining the number of independent
companies in order to preserve the robustness of the modeling. For example, in 2007, the Competition Commission considered
whether the merger between Mid Kent Water and South East Water might prejudice the ability of the regulator (Ofwat) to make
comparisons across water companies for the purposes of assessing performance and setting price controls. In this paper, we
examine this issue and provide specific recommendations to regulators. Our cross-sectional results show that the impact of
this merger is not significant. We demonstrate that joint estimation of all the sub-models using the ‘seemingly unrelated
regression’ (SUR) procedure in a cross-section and/or panel data framework can dramatically improve the accuracy of the modeling.
Moreover, the merger does not affect the confidence intervals significantly under such approaches, which still remain far
superior to those under Ofwat’s cross-sectional approach. Based on these results, we recommend that Ofwat and other regulators
adopt SUR and/or panel data analysis and thereby reduce their reliance on having sufficient numbers of independent companies. 相似文献
67.
Few would contest that teachers are a very important determinant of how much students learn in school, and how to improve teacher performance has been the focus of lively policy debate in both rich and poor countries. This paper examines how teacher incentives, both pecuniary and non‐pecuniary, correlate with teacher effort. Using school survey data from Lao PDR, we estimate measures of teacher effort, including the number of hours that teachers spend preparing for classes and teacher provision of private tutoring outside of class hours, which are not the typical measures used in previous research. Estimation results fit well under the standard labour supply framework and indicate that greater teacher effort is associated with non‐pecuniary incentives such as more teacher autonomy over teaching materials and monitoring as measured by the existence of an active parent – teacher association and the ability of school principals to dismiss teachers. Methodologically, this paper provides a detailed derivation of a simultaneous OLS‐probit model with school random effects that can jointly estimate teacher work hours and tutoring provision. 相似文献
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We argue that the standard Constitutional Political Economy defence of constitutionalism, that derives from an argument relating to the shift from narrowly self-interested motivations in the in-period context to relatively general-interest decision making in the constitutional context, is flawed precisely because it is intended to relate to essentially political settings where decision making must be construed as collective in nature. We suggest an alternate account of expressive constitutionalism that points to a specific defence of constitutional conventions that are insulated from popular voting. 相似文献
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