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The type of products may affect the quality of oil during deep‐fat frying. The quality changes in pure soybean oil during frying of potato chips and chicken drumsticks were evaluated and compared. The oil was subjected to continuous frying at 180°C for a period of 315 min. The parameters used to assess the oil quality were peroxide value (PV), iodine value (IV), free fatty acids (FFA), refractive index (RI) and colour. The percentage of oil absorbed by the two products was determined. The oil was also assessed visually for any change in colour, viscosity, turbidity, flavour and deposit. Results showed that, for both products, PV, IV, FFA, RI and colour changed significantly with time (P < 0.05). Potato absorbed oil during frying (6.9%), whereas chicken released fat into the frying medium (2.4%). When the rates of change of the various parameters in the oils were compared for the two products, significant differences (P < 0.05) were noted for PV and colour only. The oil used during the frying of chicken appeared visually to be at a more advanced stage of deterioration.  相似文献   
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This article reviews regulations and commercial banking structures in Mexico, Canada and the U.S., and examines the comparative operations of Canadian and Mexican bank affiliates in the U.S. vis-a-vis each other and also with U.S. commercial banks of comparable size serving the same markets. Results obtained regarding significant differences in the operations of these banks appear to be consistent with the nascent FDI theory of multinational banking. International survey results regarding bank managers' perceptions and decision criteria suggest that this variable should also be incorporated in the evolving theory.  相似文献   
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An enduring puzzle in international economics is why trade interventions are biased in favor of import-competing rather than export sectors and therefore restrict trade. In this paper, we show that if the government's objective reflects a concern for inequality then trade policy generally exhibits an anti-trade bias. Importantly, under neutral assumptions, the mechanism that we analyze generates the anti-trade bias independently of whether factors are specific or mobile across sectors. The mechanism also generates an anti-trade bias between large countries even after they sign reciprocal trade agreements that eliminate any terms-of-trade motivation for the use of trade protection.  相似文献   
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The central theme of this paper is that sustained rapid growth cannot be achieved without rapid growth in trade. A review of the experience during the past four decades offers virtually no examples of countries achieving sustained rapid growth – called miracles in this paper – without simultaneously experiencing sustained rapid growth in trade in the presence of low or high but declining barriers to trade. Simultaneously, the claim that opening to trade leads to sustained income losses is unfounded. A review of the experience of the countries that have faced stagnation or declining per‐capita incomes on a long‐term basis – called debacles in this paper – reveals no connection to a sustained surge in imports.  相似文献   
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This paper describes the United States recently enacted Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and assesses its quantitative impact on African exports. The AGOA expands the scope of preferential access of Africa's exports to the United States in key areas such as clothing. However, its medium‐term benefits – estimated at about US$100‐$140 million, an 8−11 per cent addition to current non‐oil exports – would have been nearly five times greater (US$540 million) if no restrictive conditions had been imposed on the terms of market access. The most important of these conditions are the rules of origin with which African exporters of clothing must comply to benefit from duty‐free access.  相似文献   
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This paper offers a political economy analysis of the Doha Ministerial Conference with special reference to developing countries. One of my key objectives is to understand the politics underlying the negotiations with a view to assessing the influence developing countries exerted on the outcome and the success they achieved in relation to the Uruguay Round Agreement, which is widely perceived as favouring mainly if not exclusively the developed countries. The main conclusions of the paper may be summarised as follows. First, with trade liberalisation as its central focus, the Doha negotiating agenda is to be welcomed from the viewpoint of developing countries. Second, the opposition by developing countries to the inclusion of at least some of the Singapore issues at Doha is defensible. Among other things, the countries lack the necessary negotiating and implementation capacity. Third, while the UR Agreement benefited both developing and developed countries, on balance, it benefited the latter more. The Doha outcome offers a better balance when taken by itself but does not go so far as to significantly correct the imbalance in the UR Agreement. Fourth, despite this better balance, the Doha negotiations offer little evidence of a shift in the relative bargaining powers of developing and developed countries. Nor can the superficially development friendly language of the Doha Declaration be viewed as signalling the softening of the tough negotiating stance developed countries took during the UR Round. Fifth, much of the negotiating power continues to reside with developed countries. Relatively equal levels of incomes gives greater coherence to interests of developed countries on issues that divide along North–South lines. Moreover, the presence of three large players – the USA, EU and Japan – allows them to exploit their bargaining power more effectively. Finally, to negotiate more effectively in the future, developing countries must improve their research capacity, think strategically and forge coalitions with other influential WTO members – whether developed or developing.  相似文献   
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事实上,下一代新兴市场可以定夺许多产业中的胜利者和失败者,且是下一个崭新商业巨人的崛起之处。  相似文献   
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