Rescaling and reforming the state under NAFTA: implications for subnational authority

The new free trade agreements are rescaling governance in ways that have critical implications for subnational governments. The nation state is not simply being hollowed out; rather, a new governance nexus is forming — of nation states, multinational corporations and international agreements — which explicitly excludes subnational and local government voice. This article describes the new governance features of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and illustrates how they work out at the national, subnational and local scales using cases from the United States and Mexico. NAFTA provides the template for other free trade agreements including the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and a growing number of bilateral agreements. We show how NAFTA's governance structure is undermining subnational and local government authority in legislative and judicial arenas. Designed to advance privatization of public services, these agreements undermine the very ability of local governments to use markets for public goods by defining traditional state and local governance mechanisms as ‘non‐tariff barriers to trade’. Contradictions between private profit and public interest appear at the subnational level but their resolution is engaged at the global level between private investors and the nation state. Recognition of this rescaling requires attention to the reforming state and its implications for subnational authority and democratic representation and voice. Les nouveaux accords de libre‐échange ré‐échelonne la gouvernance selon des modalités aux implications critiques pour les gouvernements infra‐nationaux. L'État‐nation n'est pas seulement en train d'êvidé de son contenu, mais une nouvelle sphère de gouvernance se forme —à partir d'États‐nations, de groupes multinationaux et d'ententes internationales —, excluant explicitement toute voix de gouvernements locaux ou infra‐nationaux. Cet article décrit les nouvelles caractéristiques de la gouvernance selon l'Accord de Libre‐Échange Nord‐Américain (ALENA) et illustre, avec les cas des Etats‐Unis et du Mexique, comment elles opèrent aux échelons national, infra‐national et local. L'ALENA fournit un modèle pour d'autres accords de libre‐échange, comme la Zone de Libre‐Échange des Amériques (ZLEA) et un nombre croissant de conventions bilatérales. L'article montre comment la structure de gouvernance de l'ALENA mine l'autorité des gouvernements locaux et infra‐nationaux dans les domaines législatif et judiciaire. Destinés à favoriser la privatisation des services publics, ces accords sapent l'aptitude même des gouvernements locaux à recourir aux marchés pour les marchandises publiques, puisqu'ils définissent les mécanismes de gouvernance locale et étatique traditionnels comme des ‘barrières commerciales non‐douanières’. Les contradictions entre profit privé et intérêt public apparaissent au niveau infra‐national, mais leur résolution est entreprise au niveau mondial entre investisseurs privés et État‐nation. La reconnaissance de ce décalage d'échelon appelle à s'intéresser à l'État réformateur et aux implications pour toute autorité infra‐nationale et représentation ou voix démocratique.     

Formally modelling a gender-segregated economy: A response to William Darity, Jr

William Darity Jr.'s model, presented in the November 1995 issue of World Development (Darity, 1995), is an important attempt to provide an outline for gender-based analysis at the household level. The model falls short, however, because it focuses on income maximization without specific constraints on the man's time. This paper demonstrates that as formulated there is no internal maximization solution possible, and then offers additional economic information that would be meaningful and appropriate to make Darky's model well-specified.     

INDUSTRIALIZATION, MANAGEMENT EDUCATION AND TRAINING SYSTEMS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS[1]

This paper discusses the emergence of management education and training in the UK, France, Germany, USA, Japan, USSR, and China. It argues that given kinds of environmental changes may lead to a wide variety of training responses, depending on the industrial and cultural contexts in which they take place.     

The impact of SARS on China's human resources: implications for the labour market and level of unemployment in the service sector in Beijing,Guangzhou and Shanghai

In this paper, we examine the effects of SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) on China's human resources, its labour-market and its level of employment and unemployment, looking specifically at what was one of its economically most vulnerable points, the hotel industry. The paper hypothesizes that the greatest impact would be on human resources in the service-industries and on particular sub-sectors, such as employment in hotels, located in three main cities in the PRC, in Beijing, Guangzhou and Shanghai, catering to both overseas as well as domestic tourism. It tentatively concludes that the almost dramatic demand and supply ‘shocks’ may have directly affected both the demand for and the supply of labour in the sub-sector, with discernable employment consequences.