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641.
The 2002 U.S. Farm Bill: What's In It For CAP and WTO Reform? The 2002 U.S. Farm Bill (the Farm Security and Rural Investment Act or FSRIA) provides considerably more government subsidies for U.S. agriculture than Congress envisaged when it passed the preceding 1996–2002 FAIR Act. We review the FAIR record, showing how government subsidies increased greatly beyond those originally scheduled. For FSRIA, we outline key commodity, trade, and conservation and environmental provisions. We expect that the commodity programmes will: (a) encourage production when the market calls for less; (b) significantly increase subsidies over FAIR baseline subsidies; (c) press against current WTO and possible Doha Round support limits; and (d) aggravate trading partners. Finally, we suggest two lessons from the U.S. policy experience that might benefit those working on CAP and WTO reform. First, past research shows that farm programmes have little to do with the economic health of rural communities. Second, programme transparency, and especially public disclosure of the level of payments going to individual farmers, by name, influences the farm policy debate. Personalized data show what economists have long maintained—that the bulk of programme benefits go to a relatively few, large, producers—but do so in a way that captures the public and policy‐makers' attention. La loi d'orientation agricole américaine de 2002: que peut on en tirer pour réformer la PAC et l'OMC? La loi d'orientation agricole américaine de 2002 (loi sur la securité et l'investissement rural, ou FSRIA) autorise beaucoup plus de subventions a l'agriculture des Etats Unis qu'il n'avait été envisagé par le congrès quand fut votée la loi d'orientation précédente, le “Fair Act” en vigueur de 1996 à 2002. L'examen du Fair Act réalisé ici montre que les subventions durant cette période avaient déjà augmenté beaucoup plus qu'il n‘était initialement prévu. Dans le cas du FSRIA, des provisions importantes sont prévues pour les produits clé, le commerce, la conservation des sols, et l'environnement. Il faut s'attendre à ce que les programmes par produit: (a): encouragent la production alors même que le marché en demanderait la réduction, (b) accroissent significativement les subventions par rapport au niveau de base du Fair Act (c) exercent une pression à la hausse sur les limites imposées aux soutiens, tant dans la réglementation actuelle de l'OMC que dans celle qui pourrait être adopté dans les négociation de Doha (d) lèsent gravement les partenaires commerciaux des Etats Unis. Pour finir, deux enseignements de la politique américaine pourraient être utiles à ceux qui, en Europe, songent à réformer l'OMC et la PAC: d'abord, l'histoire montre que les subventions n'ont pas grand chose à voir avec la santééconomique des communautés rurales. Ensuite, la transparence des programmes en question, et tout spécialement, l'affichage nominatif des bénéficiaires de subventions, est de nature à influer sur le débar de politique agricole. Les données personnalisées montrent ce que les économistes out toujours dit: les subventions bénéficient pour l'essentiel à un petit nombre de producteurs relativement riches, mais d'une façon telle qu'ils arrivent à mobiliser l'opinion et les décideurs politiques en leur faveur. Das US‐Landwirtschaftsgesetz von 2002: Wie wirkt es sich auf GAP und WTO‐Reform aus? Das US‐Landwirtschaftsgesetz von 2002 (FSRIA, Gesetz zur Absicherung von landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben und zur Förderung von Investitionen in ländlichen Räumen) sieht wesentlich höhere staatliche Subventionen für die Landwirtschaft der USA vor als es der Kongress bei tier Verabschiedung des FAIR‐Gesetzes (1996–2002) beabsichtigte. Die Subventionen haben während der Laufzeit des Gesetzes die vorgesehene Höhe weit überschritten. Für das FSRIA werden die Bestimmungen für die Hauptagrarprodukte, den Handel und den Umweltschutz kurz dargestellt. Es ist zu erwarten, dass die Programme (a) die landwirtschaftliche Produktion in Perioden anregen, in denen die Weltmarktpreise niedrig sind; (b) die Subventionen weit über den im FAIR‐Gesetz vorgesehenen Betrag hinaus erhöhen; (c) gegen das in der WTO festgeschriebene und zukünftig in der Doha‐Runde wahrscheinliche gekürzte Stützungsniveau verstoßon können und (d) die Missbilligung der Handelspartner hervorrufen werden. Aus der Erfahrung mit der US‐Politik greifen wir zum Schluss zwei Erkenntnisse heraus, die für diejenigen hilfreich sein können, die sich mit der GAP und der WTO‐Reform beschäftigen. Erstens zeigt die bisherige Forschung, dass die Programme zur Förderung von landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben nur wenig zum wirtschaftlichen Wohlergehen ländlicher Räume beitragen. Zweitens beeinflusst die Transparenz der Programme die politische Debatte in Bezug auf landwirtschaftliche Betriebe – insbesondere durch die öffentliche Nennung der Höhe der Zahlungssummen und der Namen der Empfänger. Diese personalisierten Daten zeigen, was Wirtschaftswissenschaftler bereits seit langem behaupten – dass relativ wenige Großerzeuger am meisten von den Programmen profitieren und dabei die Aufmerksamkeit der Öffentlichkeit und die der politischen Entscheidungsträger auf sich ziehen. 相似文献
642.
Prof. Remko I. van Hoek Prof. Dr. E. Peelen Prof. Dr. Harry R. Commandeur 《Journal of Market-Focused Management》1999,3(3-4):353-368
Mass customization is presented as one of the ways to deal with the increasingly demanding and turbulent environments. Achieving mass customization requires the development of multidimensional strategic capabilities. In an evolutionary process these capabilities can be developed. In this paper the capabilities required to realize mass customization are made explicit and postponement is presented as an operational method to move towards a mass customization strategy. Results of an exploratory survey (among 101 companies) are presented to assess the trend towards mass customization based on the development of the necessary strategic capabilities and the application of postponement. 相似文献
643.
644.
Harry G. Broadman 《The World Economy》2001,24(7):849-875
The state industrial sector is the Achilles heel of China's otherwise remarkable economic performance over the past two decades. Most other countries in transition from socialism have transformed SOEs into commercial entities through systematic, market‐driven restructuring and privatisation to become more efficient and competitive. In China, a series of innovative, if often administrative, insitutional reforms since 1978 have begun to achieve the Chinese authorities' goal of ‘separating governemtn from business.’ But the Chinese State still maintains ownership of key enterprises, and government agencies carry out shareholder functions typically performed by private owners in a market economy. Although privatisation and restructuring of SOEs is occurring, it mostly pertains to small and medium sized firms. For the principal businesses, by contrast, the creation of large state enterprise groups and holding companies (and experiments in other forms of ‘state asset management’) have become the main form of restructuring. Today, China's SOEs still account for more than one‐quarter of national production, two‐thirds of total assets, more than half of urban employment and almost three‐quarters of investment. While direct budgetary subsidies have declined, explicit and implicit subsidies are still making their way to prop up loss‐making SOEs through the financial system and other routes. At the same time, SOEs are still producing non‐marketable products, resulting in a sizeable inventory overhang. These inefficiencies and distortions represent a drain on the country's resources and thus present a challenge to the Chinese leadership for reform. This paper sheds light on these challenges by analysing the incentives and constraints on China's SOE reform programme. Four critical aspects of the reforms are highlighted and evaluated against the backdrop of international experience: clarification of property rights; establishment of large group/holding companies and other new organisational structures; improved corporate governance incentives; and implementation of international financial accounting and auditing practices. The paper concludes with policy recommendations. 相似文献
645.
The current proxy voting system in the United States has become the subject of considerable controversy. Because institutional investment managers have the authority to vote their clients’ proxies, they have a fiduciary obligation to those clients. Frequently, in an attempt to fulfill that obligation, these institutional investors employ proxy advisory services to manage the thousands of votes they must cast. However, many proxy advisory services have conflicts of interest that inhibit their utility to those seeking to discharge their fiduciary duties. In this article, we describe the current proxy advisory network as an example of how current notions of conflicts of interest fall short when explaining the behavior of an interconnected set of market players whose remit is to act in the best interests of their investors. We discuss what participants in this system should do to bring transparency and accuracy to the proxy advice industry. 相似文献
646.
Kathleen Rehbein Jeanne M. Logsdon Harry J. Van Buren III 《Journal of Business Ethics》2013,112(1):137-154
This empirical study examines corporate responses to activist shareholder groups filing social-policy shareholder resolutions. Using resource dependency theory as our conceptual framing, we identify some of the drivers of corporate responses to shareholder activists. This study departs from previous studies by including a fourth possible corporate response, engaging in dialogue. Dialogue, an alternative to shareholder resolutions filed by activists, is a process in which corporations and activist shareholder groups mutually agree to engage in ongoing negotiations to deal with social issues. Based on a unique dataset of resolutions filed by member organizations of the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility from 2002 to 2005 and the outcomes of these resolutions, our analysis finds that corporate managers are more likely to engage in dialogue with shareholder activists when the firm is larger, is more responsive to stakeholders, the CEO is the board chair, and the firm has a relatively lower percentage of institutional investors. 相似文献
647.
Desislava Dikova Roger Smeets Harry Garretsen Hans Van Ees 《International Business Review》2013,22(1):202-215
This paper provides evidence for the immediate or short-term responses to financial crises of US multinational firm (MNE) subsidiaries. Using a real options perspective, we hypothesize that financial crises change the relative value of ‘within-country’ versus ‘across-country’ options for MNE subsidiaries. We suggest that relocating subsidiary output is an effective short-term response to local financial crises. We examine the effects of 83 financial crises (banking, debt and currency crises) on longitudinal data of US MNEs’ subsidiary sales in over 50 countries in the period 1983–2005. Our results show market-switching effects. Particularly in the case of local currency crises we observe a refocus of the MNE's subsidiary local sales toward export markets. The effect is maintained in the occurrence of twin financial crises. These results confirm our expectation that financial crises cause an increase in the value of ‘across-country’ option relative to ‘within-country’ option. 相似文献
648.
This paper reports the results of an analysis of model uncertainty in the context of shopping behaviour. This analysis is positioned in a discussion on the evolution of models of spatial shopping behaviour. For different generations of shopping models, the potential of uncertainty analysis is discussed. The actual analysis is based on an application of the Albatross model to the city of Rotterdam, The Netherlands. Characteristic of this model is that shopping trips are embedded in the prediction of daily more comprehensive activity-travel patterns, adding complexity and realism to traditional models of spatial shopping behaviour, such as the Huff and spatial interaction model. Results show that overall the uncertainty associated with the aggregate outcomes of the model is small. It is higher for the total number of visits to selected shopping areas. 相似文献
649.
This paper presents a comparative test of full profile (FP), original hierarchical information integration (HII-O), and integrated hierarchical information integration (HII-I) conjoint methods for modeling group preferences. It is hypothesized that in settings where groups need to decide about complex multi-attribute alternatives, HII-O will predict holdout profiles better than FP, and that HII-I will perform better than HII-O. The predictive ability of the three methods is tested for the case of housing preferences of housing co-ops, which are groups consisting of three to five people who jointly own a house. The results confirm that HII-I outperforms the other two methods and further suggest that FP and HII-O perform equally well. In addition, two variations of HII-I are developed. One of these provides independent estimates of the relative influence of group members on the decision outcomes, however at the expense of requiring larger designs. The two HII-I variations are also tested and found to be equivalent in predictive ability. 相似文献
650.
Julia Lane Robert M. Feinberg Harry Broadman 《International Journal of the Economics of Business》2002,9(2):225-237
This paper examines the effect of labour strategies and management types on firm performance in Chinese enterprises. We use two large panel surveys on Chinese enterprises, spanning almost two decades of transition. Our findings suggest that, as commonly thought, there are significant differences across ownership types in China in the degree to which flexible labour market strategies are utilized; and more flexible strategies (such as bonus-reward systems) do seem to significantly enhance performance. However, after controlling for different degrees of labour market flexibility, ownership differences have little influence on enterprise performance (with the exception that foreign joint ventures clearly outperform other types in growth and labour productivity). This important result suggests that the impact of Chinese ownership types on performance is felt through cost-impacts rather than via direct differences in competitive behaviour or the goals of enterprise decision-makers. 相似文献