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41.
December 1, 1996 a new law was implemented in Portugal to gradually reduce the standard workweek from 44 to 40 h. We study how this mandatory reduction affected employment through job creation and job destruction. There was considerable regional, sectoral and firm-size variation in the share of workers who were affected by the working hours reduction. We exploit this variation to assess the impact of the workweek reduction. We find evidence that the working hours reduction had a positive effect on employment through a fall in job destruction. 相似文献
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Overreaction to Fearsome Risks 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
When risks threaten, cognitive mechanisms bias people toward action or inaction. Fearsome risks are highly available. The availability bias tells us that this leads people to overestimate their frequency. Therefore, they also overreact to curtail the likelihood or consequences of such risks. More generally, fear can paralyze efforts to think clearly about risks. We draw on a range of environmental risks to show the following: (1) Fear leads us to neglect probability of occurrence; (2) As fearsome environmental risks are usually imposed by others (as externalities), indignation stirs excess reaction; (3) We often misperceive or miscalculate such risks. Two experiments demonstrate probability neglect when fearsome risks arise: (a) willingness-to-pay to eliminate the cancer risk from arsenic in water (described in vivid terms) did not vary despite a 10-fold variation in risk; (b) the willingness-to-accept price for a painful but non dangerous electric shock did not vary between a 1 and 100% chance. Possible explanations relate to the role of the amygdala in impairing cognitive brain function. Government and the law, both made by mortals and both responding to public pressures, similarly neglect probabilities for fearsome risks. Examples relating to shark attacks, Love Canal, alar and terrorism are discussed. 相似文献
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In spite of the significant research literature identifying a tradeoff between income redistribution and economic growth,
massive public programs have been implemented to help the poor by transferring income to them. Since Lyndon Johnson's war
on poverty began in 1964, over 3.5 trillion dollars have been transferred. However, the possibility that everyone, including
the poor, may in fact be made worse off by the transfer has largely been ignored. With a simple algebraic model, the authors
demonstrate that, over time, both high and low-income groups are harmed by redistribution. In addition, social mobility, as
well as political concerns with relative poverty and international income redistribution increases the damage to all income
groups produced by redistribution. 相似文献