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101.
Measuring the Extent of Impact from Occupational Violence and Bullying on Traumatised Workers 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:1
Claire Mayhew Paul McCarthy Duncan Chappell Michael Quinlan Michelle Barker Michael Sheehan 《Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal》2004,16(3):117-134
Across the industrialised world, there is evidence that both the incidence and the severity of occupational violence and bullying are increasingly being reported over time. While there have been few substantive scientific studies in Australia, all the available evidence shows a similar increasing level of risk. It has long been assumed that those who suffer a physical assault during the course of violent events are more likely to be emotionally traumatised by the experience than are those who are merely threatened or bullied at work. However, there are no substantive data published to date. In this paper the authors aim to elucidate and quantify the extent of emotional injury/stress suffered as a result of different forms of occupational violence, based on empirical data collected during face-to-face interviewing of 800 Australian workers employed in the tertiary education, health and long-haul transport industry sectors. The authors conclude that the impact from more covert forms of occupational violence (such as bullying) can, in many instances, at least equal the emotional trauma following assaults on-the-job. 相似文献
102.
Did working families' tax credit work? The impact of in-work support on labour supply in Great Britain 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
In-work benefits are promoted as a way to make low-income families better off without introducing adverse work incentives. In 1999, the structure of in-work benefits in the UK changed, and their generosity almost doubled, through the introduction of Working Families' Tax Credit (WFTC). With micro-data from before and after its introduction, a structural model of labour supply and programme participation estimates that, by 2002, WFTC had increased labour supply of lone mothers by around 5.1 percentage points, slightly reduced labour supply of mothers in couples by 0.6 percentage points, and increased the labour supply of fathers in couples by 0.8 percentage points, compared with the programme that preceded it. Other tax and benefit reforms contemporaneous with WFTC acted to reduce the labour supply of parents, though. Without any form of in-work benefit in the UK, labour force participation by lone mothers would be around 45 percent, rather than the 55 per cent we now observe. Participating in family credit, the UK's in-work programme before October 1999, conferred a utility loss as well as a utility gain from the extra income, but this utility cost of participation was lower in the final year of WFTC than under previous programmes for lone mothers, and no different for individuals in couples: this in itself induced more lone mothers to work. 相似文献
103.
High Yield Equity Notes are securities that provide the noteholder with a cash flow stream that comprises a fixed yield and a short position in a European put option on the shares of an Australian company. This paper examines the pricing of these securities and finds apparent overpricing compared with expectations given standard pricing relationships. This apparent overpricing is consistent with the low transaction costs incurred by purchasers of High Yield Equity Notes. 相似文献
104.
Areej Azhar Peter Duncan David Edgar 《Journal of Human Resources in Hospitality & Tourism》2018,17(2):222-246
Saudi Arabia's localization policy, “Saudization,” aims to decrease reliance on expatriate workers, but it has been more successful in the public sector than in the private sector. This study explores the issues involved in effectively implementing the policy in the hotel industry in Saudi Arabia, specifically four- and five-star hotels. Tourism professionals, HR professionals, and hotel managers were interviewed and hotel managers and employees surveyed. The research specifies criteria for the effective implementation of Saudization and identifies the issues involved in implementing this policy in four- and five-star hotels. It makes recommendations, which could assist in implementing the policy effectively in the hotel industry. 相似文献
105.
106.
Duncan McLaren 《Local Economy》1989,4(2):99-111
Government inner city policy has failed to solve problems of unemployment, dereliction, homelessness and social stress. The problems and their possible solutions are linked to environmental problems and the need for environmentally sustainable development in urban areas. Government policy on these issues is incoherent, and existing policies under “Action for Cities” will not reverse current trends of environmental degradation. 相似文献
107.
Because unemployment benefit reforms tend to package together changes to job search requirements, monitoring and assistance, few existing studies have been able to empirically isolate the effects of job search monitoring intensity on the behaviour of unemployment benefit claimants. This paper exploits periods where monitoring has been temporarily withdrawn during a series of Benefit Office refurbishments — with the regime otherwise unchanged — to allow such identification. During these periods of zero monitoring the hazard rates for exits from claimant unemployment and for job entry both fall. 相似文献
108.
We argue that: The FPC should have a wider remit; a much broader membership (covering many specialisms); should be wholly independent of Government and outside the Bank of England; its aim should be to comment publicly and authoritatively on any possible areas of risk to financial stability while itself controlling few, if any, levers of policy. The rationale for these conclusions is that: Macroprudential/financial risks come from many sources; many of these sources are structural and outside of the Bank’s regulatory purview/competence; in a sense, the Bank gets to mark its own homework as regards issues such as the SMR, resolution, appropriateness of capital, effectiveness of ring-fencing etc.; many aspects of macroprudential actions have distributional implications, and hence, politicians, not the Bank or any other body, should take and justify, or not, these decisions. 相似文献
109.
110.