论湘渝黔边区民族文化旅游区的建立

湘渝黔边区是指以传统的“武陵山区”为核心区域的3省邻近地区,大致包括湖南境内的张家界市、湘西州、怀化市,重庆的黔江区,贵州的铜仁地区和黔东南州等6个地州市,是苗族、土家族、侗族等少数民族集中聚居区,也是全国典型的老、少、边、穷山区,归属于国家“西部地区”。区域文化上的趋同性、区域旅游资源上的互补性、区域脱贫任务的紧迫性和区域旅游开发的无序性,使湘渝黔边区民族文化旅游区的建立显得十分必要。同时,具备一定基础的旅游开发现状、逐步形成的区域旅游交通网络、各地政府关于旅游业发展认识上的渐趋统一以及区域旅游中心的初步形成,使湘渝黔边区民族文化旅游区的发展成为可能。湘渝黔边区民族文化旅游区的形成,必须着手进行以下工作：迅速编制总体规划,完善旅游交通网络,建立旅游环线,推出区际旅游联合体和共同市场,多渠道吸纳资金,建立特色文化保护区等。     

‘So Long as I Take my Mobile’: Mobile Phones,Urban Life and Geographies of Young People's Safety

Mobile phone ownership has spread rapidly among young people in the UK. This article contributes to an expanding body of literature which is examining the consequences of this phenomenon for urban life. Our focus is the impact of mobile phones on young people's geographies, particularly their own and their parents’ fears about their safety in public spaces. Quantitative and qualitative findings are presented from two research projects in Gateshead, north‐east England on crime victimization and leisure injury risk for young people, in which the role of mobile phones in managing and negotiating safety emerged as significant. The article highlights the different ways in which young people and parents are using mobile phones for this purpose, and asks whether they are best viewed as technologies of surveillance or empowerment. We also raise questions about the efficacy of mobile phones in protecting young people from risk and fear, in particular examining the mobile as a new site of victimization. Throughout, we emphasize the social unevenness of the uses and impacts of new technologies, which is often underplayed in research. We conclude with the suggestion that although they offer some empowerment to young people in their use of public spaces and their negotiation of risk, mobile phones appear to be reshaping rather than reducing moral panics about young people's presence there. Au Royaume‐Uni, le téléphone mobile s’est répandu rapidement parmi les jeunes. Cet article s’ajoute aux documents en nombre croissant qui étudient les conséquences de ce phénomène sur la vie urbaine. Il s’attache à l’impact des mobiles sur la géographie des jeunes, notamment sur leurs craintes personnelles et celles de leurs parents quant à leur sécurité dans les espaces publics. Il présente des résultats quantitatifs et qualitatifs provenant de deux projets de recherches à Gateshead (nord‐est de l’Angleterre) sur le risque pour les jeunes d’être victimes d’un acte criminel et de se blesser durant un loisir, cas où les mobiles semblent jouer un rôle important pour gérer et négocier la sécurité. L’article met en lumière les différents modes d’utilisation des mobiles à cette fin, par les jeunes et les parents, en se demandant si ces téléphones sont d’abord considérés comme des technologies de surveillance ou de responsabilisation. Il interroge également l’efficacité des mobiles pour protéger les jeunes contre risques et craintes, notamment en envisageant ces téléphones comme nouveau terrain de victimisation. Dans son ensemble, ce travail souligne l’irrégularité sociale des usages et impacts des nouvelles technologies, souvent minimisée dans la recherche. La conclusion suggère que, même s’ils offrent une certaine responsabilisation aux jeunes dans leur utilisation des espaces publics et leur négociation du risque, les téléphones mobiles semblent remodeler, non réduire, les paniques morales liées à leur présence dans ces lieux.     

Crime and punishment and sports development

This paper contributes to understandings of the use of sport as a medium in crime reduction programmes directed at young people. It does this through a case study of Easttown Summit1 The names of the location, programme and participants have all been changed to maintain client confidentiality , to show how and why this programme has had an impact on participants. The case study examines the relevance of a theoretical framework for understanding the mechanism of crime reduction though value directed personal development. However, this framework was developed from studies of programmes working with relatively high‐risk participants. Brantingham and Faust (1976) categorise this type of programme as ‘tertiary’. In contrast the Summit programme was secondary, working with lower risk participants. While clients of the Summit gained some benefits consistent with those likely to reduce offending, the research found that these benefits were largely an incidental by‐product of the achievement of broader sports development objectives. This may well be the case for similar secondary programmes, which have largely been developed in leisure departments, and has profound implications for programme evaluation.