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This paper analyzes how political institutions affect the execution of exchange‐rate policy. By focusing on policy‐makers' responses to the emergence of speculative pressure on their currencies, we argue that the effect of democratic institutions on exchange‐rate stability is likely to be conditioned by the officially announced exchange‐rate regime. Officially fixed exchange rates are the main instrument of autocrats to signal commitment to long‐term stability. Autocratic governments with strictly fixed exchange rates are thus more likely to defend their exchange rates than autocrats with an intermediate regime because the latter implicitly signal that they care less about monetary stability. In contrast, democrats defend more often in intermediately than in fully fixed official regimes by using a combination of external and internal adjustments, which reduce the negative effects of a devaluation on voters. Our analysis of 189 currency crises between 1975 and 1999 supports this conditional effect. 相似文献
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We analyze the trends from 1959 to 2007 using an expanded measure of income called the Levy Institute Measure of Economic Well‐Being (LIMEW). LIMEW is different in scope from the official U.S. Census Bureau measure of gross money income (MI) in that our measure includes non‐cash transfers, public consumption, imputed income from wealth, and household production and nets out personal taxes. While the annual growth rates of median LIMEW and MI are very close over the whole period (0.67 and 0.63 percent), median LIMEW grew much faster than median MI after 1982 and much slower before. The Gini coefficient of MI is uniformly higher than that of LIMEW but both show about the same change from 1959 to 2007. Decomposition analysis shows that changes in inequality are driven to a large extent by non‐home wealth in LIMEW and earnings in MI. While the racial gap in MI declined somewhat over the 1990s and 2000s, the racial gap in LIMEW actually widened a bit. Over the same years, while there was little change in the gap in MI between the elderly and non‐elderly, the LIMEW of the elderly actually overtook that of the non‐elderly. 相似文献
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THOMAS V. GREER 《The Journal of consumer affairs》1992,26(1):159-176
This article analyzes the complex history of the important new product liability directive of the European Community. The member countries must amend their laws and meet the directive's proconsumer standards and spirit. The lengthy political evolution of this policy involved many aggressive constituencies, including nations, parts of the European Community governance structure, business federations, consumer organizations, and other functional interest groups. 相似文献
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The objective of this study is to investigate the internal risks and benefits from smoking over the lifetime of a male individual. It differs from many earlier studies in that it focuses on the costs borne by the individual, as opposed to external or societal costs. It also includes the benefits from smoking which play an important role in the individual's smoking decision. Risk-benefit ratios range from 0.25 to 3.67 depending on the tar and nicotine content of cigarettes, the discount or time preference rate, the value of a life year, and the price elasticity of demand for cigarettes. 相似文献
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HELEN CHIPMAN PATRICIA KENDALL GARRY AULD MICHAEL SLATER THOMAS KEEFE 《The Journal of consumer affairs》1995,29(1):144-163
Audience segmentation and focus group methods were used to evaluate consumer reactions to a risk/benefit/option message about agricultural chemicals in the food supply. The approach was well-received and showed potential for raising consumers' concerns regarding health and environmental risks associated with pesticides, along with confidence in their ability to minimize exposure to residues. Concern and confidence increased most among consumers who already were concerned and who were most removed from agriculture. 相似文献