Mihail Manoilescu was among the foremost intellectual figures of the interwar period in Romania. He was known as a politician and central banker, as well as an economist. From the very beginning of his theoretical and practical career, or at least from the late 1920s onward, Manoilescu’s ideas and theories (especially his corporatist theory) were marked by clear continuity and consistency based on the theory of protectionism grounded on productivity differences. By developing his model — an alternative to the theory of comparative advantage — Manoilescu endeavored to show the need for protectionist measures to promote the development of peripheral countries. His defense of protectionism is usually presented as clumsy and founded on an incorrect method, even if he is often recognized as the forerunner of the theory of unequal exchange and the dependency theory. Few scholars note the similarity of Manoilescu’s theory with Karl Marx’s labor theory. This paper contributes to validating Manoilescu’s conclusions, the soundness of which we test here by reconstructing the theory from a Marxian perspective. A reconstruction of this type offers new possibilities of evaluating his theory and a better understanding of its contributions and limitations. 相似文献
As Indonesia heads to the polls in 2014, its economy is slowing. The end of the commodities boom and the global return to more normal monetary policy has exposed some weaknesses. Exchange-rate depreciation has absorbed some of the adjustment; but structural rigidities are still likely to limit the expansion of non-commodity sectors, and the increased fuel-subsidy bill for imported oil is putting pressure on the current account and the budget. The immediate focus is on demand-side consolidation to manage inflation and the currentaccount deficit.
For an economy like Indonesia’s to be overheating, and for monetary and fiscal authorities to be engineering a soft landing, when growth is below 6%, points to major structural problems. If Indonesia is to prevent the current rate of growth from becoming the new normal, there will need to be a substantial supply-side response to lift productivity, as well as a restructuring of the economy and the introduction of policies that make the economy more flexible in adjusting to shocks. The current economic slowdown has yet to trigger sweeping reforms; policy coordination remains problematic as Indonesia enters a big political year.
Compared with its neighbours, Indonesia is largely on the outside of the regional production networks, and its manufacturing sector does not play into factory Asia. Now, faced with lower commodity prices globally—and growth in non-resource sectors is critical— the lack of a large manufacturing base appears to be a weakness. Indonesia is attracting more foreign direct investment than ever and is climbing the global rankings of preferred economies in which to invest, but this is occurring without improvements to its investment environment or competitiveness. Indonesia can participate more fully in global supply chains and increase its potential for growth by upgrading its infrastructure, improving its investment environment, and using regional initiatives strategically to make strong commitments that reinforce its priorities for domestic reform.
In its hosting of APEC in 2013, Indonesia championed infrastructure investment where the lack of structural reform and macroeconomic constraints are inhibiting much-needed expansion, both in Indonesia and in the region. The positive outcome, albeit only a small step forward for the Doha Round, at the WTO Ministerial Conference in Bali, in December, also builds momentum for better regional and global cooperation. The priority now is for Indonesia to commit to, and show leadership in, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the implementation of the ASEAN Economic Community. 相似文献
The dramatic rise of Chinese direct investment into the European Union (EU) has sparked a debate about the control that China may be seeking to take over European economies. Quite naturally, these concerns have led to repeated calls that action be taken to slow down, if not to halt entirely, this growing trend. The objective of the article is to shed light on this debate. Following a thorough analysis of Chinese direct investment in the EU, this article suggests that the challenges posed by these inflows are widely overblown. Despite this, the article concludes that it is necessary to have a systematic approach to regulating inbound foreign investment (including from China) in the EU. Such an approach may help guard against the risk of a protectionist drift inside the EU, as well as the possibility that some investors may one day pose a threat to national security. This article concludes that although the current fragmented regulatory approach is unsatisfactory, because of the difficulties associated with a unified EU-wide review process, the most realistic option is to promote a more systematic and coordinated use of existing mechanisms such as competition policy. Also, pushing for the negotiation of a China–EU BIT is certainly a promising avenue to enhance the EU’s bargaining leverage based on the principle of positive reciprocity. 相似文献
The EU has pursued protectionist policies not merely in food but also in manufacturing at the customs union level. In services
it has not dismantled much of the existing national protectionism. The economic costs are calculated here at some 3% of GDP
for the UK and some 2% for the rest of the EU. Added to its social interventionism, these costs suggest that the EU has put
political integration before economic efficiency.
This paper draws heavily on my book with Vidya Mahambare and Eric Nowell (Minford et al., 2005). I am grateful for helpful
comments to Kim Huynh, Michele Fratianni and other participants at the IU 2006 conference in Fratianni’s honour. I contributed
this paper in recognition of many pleasurable discussions with Michele over the years on this and many other topics.
JEL Classification Numbers: F13, F14 相似文献
This paper surveys the literature on trade in services, focusing on the policies that are used to restrict such trade, the gains from liberalization, and the institutional mechanisms that have been adopted in the pursuit of liberalization. The paper argues that technological progress and international trade negotiations are likely to keep liberalization of trade in services a high profile policy issue. It also suggests that the research agenda should focus on developing better estimates of the welfare costs of protectionism in the service sector. 相似文献