霸权异化与贸易政策的选择

2018年以来美国联合欧盟和日本强力推动“高标准”贸易规则,使其贸易政策呈现出显著的修正主义特征和偏执性。对此,霸权周期理论、国内经济周期变化、权势集团的操控和国际经济体系的特征等分析视角难以就其贸易政策倾向和风格的选择进行有效解释。资本和霸权的关系是影响美国贸易政策的核心因素,其主线是资本向霸权渗透并利用霸权力量寻租,以此为理论基础可以构建霸权异化与贸易政策选择的分析框架。霸权异化包括两个维度,即资本向霸权渗透的结构性或制度性路径和霸权国家的经济集中或分散嵌入国际生产体系的方式。其中,渗透路径影响贸易政策的风格,嵌入方式影响贸易政策的倾向。制度性渗透带来灵活性,而结构性渗透带来偏执性政策。集中式嵌入带来维护现状政策,而分散式嵌入则会刺激修正主义政策。从现实经验看,1986年至今美国对待跨国投资保护规则和“高标准”贸易规则的政策,经历了从灵活地修正到偏执地修正国际经济秩序的转变。霸权异化的分析框架揭示了美国在霸权优势动摇时期贸易政策选择的复杂性,有助于新兴大国有针对性地应对美国贸易政策调整带来的挑战。     

A global perspective on the marketing mix across time and space

The marketing mix (MM) is an integral part of a firm’s marketing strategy sitting at the nexus between a company and the marketplace. As such, it evolves together with the marketplace and its stakeholders. Over the past decade, three fundamental global drivers have emerged—advancements in technology, socioeconomic and geopolitical shifts, and environmental changes—that have caused major ongoing and intensifying evolutions in the marketplace, its stakeholders, and, in turn, the MM. We describe the resulting evolutions in the MM along four central questions: who is involved in the MM, what constitutes the MM, how is it implemented, and where is it deployed. We identify a blurring of roles and responsibilities relating to the MM (who), an extension and integration of the MM instruments (what), an increase in customization and fragmentation of its actions (how), and a growing recognition of emerging-market idiosyncrasies (where). Taking a look into the future, we observe that along each of the four dimensions, the MM has arrived at a crossroad, with opposing scenarios for its future: (i) more inter-firm collaboration versus marketing-mix protectionism, (ii) added complexity versus increased simplicity, (iii) further automation versus an increased recognition of the human touch, and (iv) local adaptation versus global uniformity in the marketing mix. Applying a contingency approach, we derive relevant moderators for these forthcoming evolutions and provide an extensive set of future research questions.     

US–Japan Trade Frictions: The Past,the Present,and Implications for the US–China Trade War

The United States and Japan have been involved in trade frictions over a number of products including textiles, steel, automobiles, semi‐conductors, and agricultural products over the last 50 years. US–Japan trade frictions have taken basically two forms: (i) the United States attempting to restrict Japan's exports to the United States; and (ii) the United States attempting to increase its exports to Japan by “opening” the Japanese market. By putting pressure on Japan to adopt necessary measures, the United States sought to achieve two main objectives: (i) to reduce its trade deficit vis‐à‐vis Japan; and (ii) to protect and/or promote US industries. The United States failed to achieve the first objective, while some success was achieved for the second objective. The United States triggered a trade war against China with the objectives of: (i) reducing the bilateral trade deficit; and (ii) stopping unfair trade practices by Chinese firms such as violations of intellectual property rights and forced technology transfer. Based on the experiences from the US–Japan trade frictions, the United States may achieve some success for the second objective, but not for the first. The chances of achieving the second objective would increase if the United States cooperates with countries such as Japan and the European Union, which are faced with similar problems.     

Protectionism under Trump: The China Shock,Deplorables, and the First White President

This paper uses USA county‐level electoral data to examine the 2016 turn to protectionism. The hypothesis that support for protectionism was purely a response to globalization is rejected. Exposure to trade competition encouraged a shift to the Republican candidate, but this effect is mediated by race, diversity, education, and age. If the turn toward protectionism is due to economic dislocation, then public policy interventions could mitigate the impact and support the re‐establishment of a political consensus for open trade. If, however, the drivers are identity or cultural values, then the scope for constructive policy intervention is unclear.     

Protectionism and Industry Location in Chinese Provinces

This paper investigates the determinants of activities’ location in Chinese provinces based on a unique panel data set, paying particular attention to the role of local protectionism. We estimate a model of production location across Chinese provinces that combines factor endowments and geographical consideration. Results emphasize that the dynamics of comparative advantages and the forces of the new geographic economy are at work in Chinese provinces. Estimations, however, lend strong support to the role of local protectionism. The location of economic activities in Chinese provinces does thus not exclusively follow the logic of the market.     

金融危机后新贸易保护主义对我国外贸的影响及其应对

国际金融危机后,全球范围内新贸易保护主义抬头且呈现加速发展的趋势。我国在这场新贸易保护主义中受害最深,其对我国外贸的影响主要表现在造成我国出口市场萎缩和对外贸易摩擦频繁爆发、恶化我国的外贸环境、冲击我国的加工贸易以及阻碍我国经济健康协调发展等方面。因此,必须加强政府的宏观调控职能、发挥行业协会的协调监督职能、强化出口企业的市场主体功能以应对新贸易保护主义。     

食用油价格上涨的原因及应对措施

2010年10月中旬以来,国内食用油零售价格在稳定了10个月之后再次呈现较明显的一轮上涨态势。分析食用油价格上涨的原因主要包括国内和国际的两个方面,对此提出稳定我国食用油价格的应对措施。     

TRADE POLICY AND PROTECTIONISM IN ARGENTINA

Protectionism can take many different forms. In some cases, strong export performance can mislead observers assessing the trade policy of a country. Such is the case with regard to Argentina, where the strong showing in exports is not the result of a strategy of export‐led economic growth, but rather reflects a complex strategy of government intervention and isolation from international markets in general.     

近十年WTO框架下国际反倾销状况及趋势实证研究

在中国加入WTO十周年之际,本文根据WTO官方网站所提供的数据,从国际反倾销措施发起的数量、国别、地区和行业分布等角度综合分析WTO成员方所提起的国际反倾销措施的状况,以期揭示WTO框架下国际反倾销措施的特点、原因和趋势等情况。同时,本文也分析和总结我国近10年来反倾销的状况和趋势,以便更好地应对国际贸易摩擦和有效地维护国家的利益。     

国际金融危机下的新贸易保护主义以及应对

贸易保护主义的新形式下,资本主义国家通过发挥非关税壁垒的屏障功能、操纵货币汇率、使用行政和法律手段干预国际贸易,因此,新贸易保护主义具有名义上的合理性、形式上的欺骗性、手段上的隐蔽性等特点。政府应该加强宏观调控,发挥行业协会的协调监督职能,提升出口企业的市场主体功能以应对新贸易保护主义。