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31.
Daniele Besomi 《European Journal of the History of Economic Thought》2013,20(1):92-115
In 1926 and 1936 Sraff and Keynes attacked the methodological core of traditional economic theory by showing that the premises of partial equilibrium analysis were mutually inconsistent. this paper aims to show that Harrod neglected Sraffa and Keynes's logical arguments, and only admitted that the tacit assumptions under discussion restricted the domain of validityof the theory to special cases: perfect competition and statics. He then proceeded to generalize the theory to imperfect competition and dynamics by applying the principles (but not the instruments) of traditional analysis. The definition of these domains thus aimede at rescuing as mush as possible from the orthodox approach. 相似文献
32.
随着全球经济的快速发展,服务贸易在国际经济中的地位迅速提高,并逐渐成为衡量一国或地区国际竞争力的重要标准。沪港作为中国服务贸易发展较快的两个地区,而且又是未来东亚乃至全球经济中心的潜在竞争对手,所以两者在一定程度上具有可比性。因此,从三个方面对沪港两地的服务输出比较研究,发现它们之间存在较大的差异,并从差异原因的分析中总结出两地服务输出发展的成功经验,以期为北京、广州等地提供借鉴。两地在未来关系的发展中,应相互合作,实现共赢。 相似文献
33.
James E. Prieger 《Contemporary economic policy》2023,41(4):653-673
Measuring and predicting compliance with tax obligations is an important but challenging task. Survey data from California smokers show that several forms of tax avoidance and evasion were common. The analysis shows that 43% of smokers avoided taxes by purchasing cigarettes from out-of-state sources in the past year, 15% admitted to evading taxes through cross-border purchases, and 26% reported purchasing likely or certainly untaxed cigarettes in the state in the past month. Attitudinal factors related to tax morale explain much more of the variance in compliance rates than demographic or law-and-economics factors. The implications for policy are discussed. 相似文献
34.
Jordan Brennan 《New Political Economy》2013,18(5):715-747
Criticism of trade and investment liberalisation (TAIL) in North America has drawn attention to weak economic performance, wage-profit redistribution, social dumping and fiscal pressure on government programmes as evidence that the TAIL regime has failed to deliver on some of its key promises. This criticism has been unable, however, to establish satisfactory conceptual and empirical connections between the dramatic distributional changes witnessed in the TAIL era and the institutional reorganisation of power that the TAIL regime entrenched. This article will undertake a quantitative assessment of the Canadian political economy to see who the main beneficiaries of the TAIL era have been, contrasting returns to labour and to capital in the pre-TAIL and TAIL eras. Employing tools from the capital as power framework, two pictures are painted: the first picture examines broad changes in the distribution of income and the second examines differential business performance. The evidence from this inquiry suggests that although the official purpose of TAIL was to enhance the prosperity of all Canadians, this trade deal actually represented – both in its intentions and consequences – a political-economic transformation written by dominant capital for dominant capital. 相似文献
35.
Peter Sai-wing Ho 《Forum for Social Economics》2013,42(2-3):167-180
Abstract In one of the longest lasting debates in economics, mainstream economists still basically rest their position regarding trade and development policies on the static principle of comparative advantage, while relying on fancier econometric techniques to find empirical support. This paper draws attention to dynamic considerations, first emphasizing Smith's observation that there was more scope for division of labor in manufactures than in primary production. Prebisch noted that primary products generally have lower income elasticity of demand than manufactures. In a global context where some countries undertook industrial development ahead of others, these would generate the trade patterns that Ricardo predicted. Investment would flow from the industrial center to the periphery to augment primary production as Mill anticipated. Through the dominance of backwash over spread effects, international inequalities would widen à la Mrydal. International dualism, especially in a technological sense, would be aggravated à la Singer. To counter such uneven development, developmentalists such as Hamilton, List, Prebisch, Myrdal, and Singer advocated technological acquisitions and industrial development on the part of the less-developed countries or regions. Contrary to mainstream portrayal they did not simply advocate protectionism. Instead, their policy suggestions were nuanced and sophisticated, and included both non-trade and trade instruments, means of building technological capabilities, and (for those writing after World War II) considerations of how to sensibly direct and regulate the activities of multinational corporations. These policy ideas appear to neatly link up with those drawn from case studies of East Asian development undertaken by some researchers that are outside of the economics mainstream. 相似文献
36.
基于国际收支货币分析理论的资产组合方法是研究全球失衡问题的一个新视角.这一方法关注一国净外部资产头寸的累积及其可持续性,理解和评估外部失衡的关键是净外部资产变动过程中的价值效应.用该方法对美国外部失衡所做的研究能够得到较为乐观的结论.我国持续贸易顺差并没有带来相应程度的财富累积,我国外部头寸的价值效应为负.我国对贸易顺差进行调整时必须考虑外部头寸价值变动所产生的平衡效应.同时,我国应适当调整外部头寸结构以降低外部财富损失的风险并积极参与东亚金融合作以抵御风险. 相似文献
37.
Gabriel Siles-Brügge 《New Political Economy》2019,24(3):422-439
A key battle has been fought within the UK cabinet on the direction of post-Brexit trade policy. The opposing sides have favoured either continued alignment or a ‘hard’ break with the European Union’s (EU’s) regulatory and customs regime, in the latter case to allow the UK to pursue an independent and ambitious trade policy agenda. Contrary to much commentary on ‘post-truth’ politics, both sides have relied on rival forms of expertise to support their claims. I argue for the need to not only re-emphasise the malleability and political nature of expert knowledge, but also appreciate its emotional bases. The Treasury has led the charge in favour of a softer Brexit by drawing on econometric (‘gravity’) models that emphasise the economic costs of looser association with the EU. In contrast to this attempt at technocratic legitimation, the specific legal expertise drawn upon by cabinet advocates of ‘hard’ Brexit has appealed to an emotive political economy of bringing the UK, and its (in this imaginary) overly regulated economy, closer to its ‘kith and kin’ in the Anglosphere, deepening the UK ‘national business model’. I conclude by calling for more explicitly emotive and values-based argumentation in the public debate on the UK’s future trade policy to improve the quality of democratic deliberation. 相似文献
38.
由于传统外贸竞争力评价指标自身存在的缺陷和旅游业统计方法的特殊性,在对显示性比较优势指数和贸易竞争优势指数进行批判继承的基础上,文章结合中国2020年建设成为世界旅游强国的目标,创建了贸易实得指数,使用投入产出表重新评价了2000-2009年中国旅游业的外贸竞争力,并与美国和澳大利亚两个国家进行横向比较,借以实证研究近十年来中国旅游业的发展质量状况。研究结果表明,在过去的十年里,中国旅游业的外贸竞争力呈下降趋势,旅游业发展质量不容乐观,要实现世界旅游强国的目标任重而道远。 相似文献
39.
外部采购与加工贸易是近年来出现的新贸易现象,对中国来说,低廉的劳动力成本是取得加工贸易比较优势的主要原因,加工贸易发展进程中出口主体的分化是中国从城乡二元劳动力市场向城市二元劳动力市场转变的结果,要继续保持加工贸易比较优势,就应该增强劳动力市场的流动性,实现劳动力市场的统一。 相似文献
40.
外商投资、贸易开放度与中国财政支出结构 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文章采用空间计量经济方法,利用空间和时间固定效应的空间自回归模型和空间误差模型,就外商直接投资、贸易开放度与我国地方政府公共支出结构之间的关系进行分析。得出以下结论:我国各省的地方财政总支出及其主要构成部分存在显著的空间相关性;外商直接投资限制了政府部门规模,降低了总支出水平及其主要构成部分的支出水平,支持效率假说的推断;贸易开放度扩张了政府部门规模,提高了总支出水平及其主要构成部分的支出水平,支持补偿假说的推断。 相似文献